A socio-cultural group in United States, Pan Ndi-Igbo Foundation USA, Inc. (PNF USA) has honoured Orji Uzor Kalu with its “2013 Advocacy for Justice Award” on August 30, 2013.
In the earlier statement the National Chairman and Secretary, Chief Geoffrey Nzeadibe and Mr. Felix Okereke stated, “Ndi-Igbo in the United States under the aegis of Pan Ndi-Igbo Foundation USA, Inc. (PNF USA) unequivocally and strongly have chosen Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, MON as the recipient of their coveted 2013 Advocacy for Justice Award.”
The statement further reads: “Ndi-Igbo in the Diaspora unequivocally support your bold and fearless effort to protect and advocate for human rights of Ndi-Igbo and Nigerians in general.” “We admired your position on the recent deportation of Ndi-Igbo by Gov. Babatunde Raji Fashola.”
PNF USA official statement concluded, “You were the only leader who stood with Ndi-Igbo to condemn the cruel and unconstitutional action of Gov. Babatunde Raji Fashola against your people, Ndi-Igbo. We commend you wholeheartedly; in our eyes, you stood tall and shoulders above others, who seem to shrink in the face of adversity for Ndi-Igbo."
On receiving the awrd in Dallas , USA, Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu made the below thank you speech:
"Please my brothers, I thank the PNF-USA sincerely and I will like to be associated with you people. I will like to see you people more and more because the way you fought and are fighting for Igbo cause is commendable.
Let me warn, the award is good but award is not the ultimate thing; the ultimate thing is our mind, our mindset, our commitment to our new generation, our commitment to what we are going to be doing. It is not about me. It is about our community. Echoing the throng of ardent Igbo conservatives. We have been cheated and drown; if anybody will support the Northerners to be president, it is me but I’m telling them no this time. They should go and sit down for the president is for the southeast.
It is about our community,let God remove 30 per cent of our intelligence and give us love. He regretted that we lack love for one another. We don’t love ourselves that is what we should be looking for at this time. We need more than this award you are giving me now; the award is good but it is not the ultimate, the ultimate thing is love. It is through true love that you people gave me this award today and I want you to show the same love to your brothers and sisters so that we can collectively move our agenda together."
In attendance were also August visitors including HRH Eze (Dr.) C. Ilomuanya, CON, Obi of Obinugwu, Chairman, Imo State Council of Traditional Rulers, Chairman, South East Council of Traditional Rulers, HRH Eze Dr. Gibson Nwosu, OON, Obi of Awka, Eze Uzu II of Awka, and HRM Dr. Edmund M. Daukoru, FIC, CON, MINGI XII, Amanyanabo of Nembe Kingdom, Chairman, South-South Monarchs Forum.
Uche Orji, the Harvard-trained head of Nigeria’s sovereign wealth fund, said he’s worried about rising stock prices as he prepares to hand over the next tranche of the fund’s $1 billion of holdings to external fund managers.
“A lot of asset classes are richly valued frankly,” Orji, a former Goldman Sachs Inc (GS) banker and chief executive officer of the Abuja-based Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority, said in an Sept. 5 interview. “There’s still a lot I’m not comfortable with in developed market equities. I’m not going to try and be a hero and catch a falling knife with people’s money.”
The Authority is seeking returns of 400 basis points above U.S. CPI in its $325 million future generations fund, one of three such pools created to manage the $1 billion, and plans to be fully invested by the middle of next year. It will weigh investments in about eight asset classes from private equity to developed and emerging-market stocks even as some securities gained on signs the global economic recovery is taking hold.
Orji said he’s working with Cambridge Associates LLC on filtering possible managers for the future fund after tapping former employers Goldman Sachs and UBS AG (UBSN), along with Credit Suisse Group AG (CSGN), to help manage a separate $200 million fixed income fund. That accounts for about 20 percent of the fund’s total portfolio and will start reporting performance next month.
Borrowing costs are soaring from record lows reached in Janaury as speculation deepens that the Fed will curtail its so-called quantitative easing as soon as this month, signaling an end to cheap money that propped up asset prices, reports Bloomberg.
The wealth fund was signed into law in May 2011 by Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan and started last October to invest savings made from the difference between budgeted oil prices and actual market prices.
A third pool is mandated to invest $325 million in infrastructure, with a further $150 million that can be allocated to any of the three investment groups, Orji said.
The infrastructure fund will invest in Nigeria and be internally managed because of a lack of local managers and is considering about 15 projects, said Orji. It’s targeting returns of 500 basis points above U.S. inflation and will probably announce “a couple” of investments by year’s end, he said.
The Dow Jones Industrial Average index has gained each year since 2009 and with Europe’s economy showing signs of recovery equity values may be set to rise further amid the possible paring of stimulus by the U.S. Federal Reserve, said Orji.
Fed policy makers were “broadly comfortable” with Chairman Ben S. Bernanke’s plan to start cutting bond purchases later this year if the economy improves, minutes of their July meeting showed.
“Nobody knows what tapering is,” Orji said in London. “I don’t think anybody has seen this level of quantitative easing in history so we don’t even know how the market is going to act.”
President jonathan Photographer: Scott Eells/Bloomberg
The central government is in talks with Nigeria’s state governors on future transfers and savings after the latter protested allocations to the wealth fund, Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala said July 2. The Nigerian federal government plans to step up contributions toward year’s-end and is targeting $5 billion for the wealth fund in the “medium-term,” she said.
Such an increase would put it on a par with Angola, Africa’s second largest oil producer, which announced a $5 billion sovereign wealth fund in October. That’s headed by Chairman Jose Filomeno dos Santos, the son of Angolan president Jose Eduardo dos Santos.
Growing the fund beyond the initial $1 billion “will not be easy and straightforward frankly, especially if you think that a country of 160 million people have competing needs for spending and you’re here fighting your corner,” said Orji.
Nigeria saves oil revenue above the benchmark budgeted price in the excess crude account, which held $5 billion Okonjo-Iweala said in May, down from $9.2 billion in January. It relies on crude exports for about 95 percent of its foreign-currency earnings and about 80 percent of government revenue.
Orji, who said he has personal relationships with other sovereign wealth funds from his time as an investment banker in Europe and the U.S., hopes to attract other sovereign wealth funds, such as those in the Middle East, to coinvest in Nigeria.
“We see ourselves as a conduit,” said Orji. “This is Nigeria, we deliver good returns, the pleasure is all theirs.”
THE HISTORICAL PLIGHT AND PRECARIOUS FUTURE OF IGBO PEOPLE IN NIGERIA: A Speech Delivered By Dr. Orji Uzor Kalu, Former Governor Of Abia State, Nigeria, and Coordinator of Njiko Igbo, To The British House of Commons On April 18, 2013
Honourable Members of the House, Ladies and Gentlemen,
WHO ARE THE IGBO?
I will not detain you with genealogical or anthropological exercise here. Let it be sufficient for me to just say this about the origins of the Igbo: serious studies based on verifiable evidence indicate that the Igbo have lived in Igboland for almost as long as man has lived on earth.
The archeological finds at Ugwuele in Okigwe provide a meaningful evidence of human activities in the theatre of Igbo civilization more than two hundred and fifty thousand years ago. Evidence of man-made tools like axe, pottery and carved stones dug up at the present day Enugu and Ebonyi states lend credence to the existence of Igbo culture for scores of millennia.
My people are known as the Igbo and our language is Igbo.
Igbo people constitute one of the three largest ethnic groups in Nigeria – what Nigerian historians have come to term the tribal tripod. The other two are the Yoruba and the Hausa/Fulani.
The primary Igbo states in Nigeria are Anambra, Abia, Imo, Ebonyi, and Enugu (if justice and equity reigned, there should have been 6 or 7, instead of just 5 states). Due to their mobility, the Igbo constitute between 25% - 60% of the population in some other Nigerian States such as Delta, Rivers, Lagos, Kano, Cross River, Kaduna, Akwa Ibom and Plateau, to mention a few.
Although my people mainly and primarily inhabit the southeastern part of Nigeria, they have, however, spread, like ants in the savannah, to every nook and cranny of Nigeria, Africa and indeed the globe – thriving, building and enriching themselves, their environment and others in all facets of life as they do so.
The veteran American diplomat, Henry Kissinger, hit the nail on the head when he aptly observed that: “The Ibos are the wandering Jews of West Africa... gifted, aggressive, Westernized; at best envied and resented, but mostly despised by the mass of their neighbors in the Federation.” – Henry Kissinger, MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT, Tuesday, January 28, 1969 [Foreign Relations, 1969-1976, Volume E-5, Documents on Africa, 1969-1972].
IGBO AND THE PROVERBIAL RAINFALL
Permit me at this point to invoke an ancient African idiom which has its roots in Igbo wisdom: onye na amaghi ebe mmiri bidoro mawa ya, agaghi ama ebe o kwusiri (He who does not recognise the point at which the rain began to beat him would not recognise when the rain ceases to fall altogether).
For Igbo people in Nigeria, the rainfall ensued in the early 19th century when the British first explored the Lower Niger (I will put aside, for today’s purposes, the preceding hellfire that was black African slavery and the Igbo’s share of hell in it).
The rain began to beat us from January 1914 when Lord Fredrick Lugard completed the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates into Colonial Nigeria and became its first Governor-General. The Igbo did not have a say as to whether they desired to become a part of such a contraption or not.
The clouds lifted ever so briefly and the Igbo enjoyed a brief sunshine in Nigeria in the decade before and a few years after independence. Having embraced Christianity and western education with enthusiasm, they quickly rose to hold sway in the federal civil service, military, academia, commerce and industry – the Jews of West Africa were on the march, toiling, sweating and swinging upwards, to the envy and hatred of their compatriots.
The Igbo in Nigeria became quickly drenched in that awesome rain by way of separate episodes of pogrom: the Jos massacre in 1945, the Kano massacre in 1953 and the September 29, 1966 massacre in which tens of thousands of Igbo men, women and children were slaughtered. This last event led directly to the civil war of 1967-1970, which in turn resulted in mass starvation and deliberate anti-Igbo genocide.
And the rain has not abated. The bloody rain has continued to beat Igbo people, resulting in organised anti-Igbo massacres in Kano in 1980, Maiduguri in 1982, Yola in 1984, Gombe in 1985, Kaduna in 1986, Bauchi in 1991, Funtua in 1993, Kano in 1994, Damboa in 2000 and the Apo 6 massacre in 2005.
The ongoing nihilistic slaughter of Igbo people by an extremist militant group known as Boko Haram is yet to be documented. But there can be no question that a disproportionate percentage of the thousands of victims, dead or maimed or permanently impoverished, is made up of Igbo people.
The foregoing non-exhaustive examples occurred exclusively in northern Nigeria. They also represent occasions when Igbo people had been massacred by northern Nigerian Muslims who had been provoked not by any direct misconduct by the Igbo but perhaps because the Prophet Mohammed was insulted in Denmark by some European artist or because Allah’s name had been taken in vain in Los Angeles by an American satirist.
There is, therefore, a sense in which by simply being Igbo, Christian and entrepreneurial, the Igboman is adjudged guilty and vengeful punishment is indiscriminately and randomly applied on a recurring basis.
THE COUP THAT CONDEMNED US ALL
On 15 January, 1966, a few young Nigerian army officers led by an Igbo officer, Major Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, carried out Nigeria’s first coup d'état. This resulted in the deaths of Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, a prominent northern Nigerian of the Fulani ethnic stock and the Prime Minister, Sir Tafawa Balewa, also a northern Nigerian Fulani.
Although the coup was foiled primarily by another Igboman, Nigeria’s first Major-General in the Colonial Army, General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, nevertheless, the belief prevailed in northern Nigeria that Hausa leaders were singled out for elimination by Igbo people who had a grand design for political dominance.
This situation gave rise to a retaliatory pogrom in which tens of thousands of Igbo people were murdered in northern Nigeria. This led to the mass flight back to the Eastern Region of as many as two million Igbo people.
It is conceded that the execution of the coup in question resulted in unintended consequences. The ethnic composition of the putschists, the ethnic origin of the individuals killed, as well as the eventual assumption of power by Gen. Ironsi, himself an Igboman, created the erroneous impression that the coup was an ethnic-biased putsch organised mostly by Igbo officers in furtherance of Igbo hegemonic agenda.
However, I must insist that the coup was purely a military affair and that the civilian Igbo population knew nothing about it and had absolutely nothing to do with it.
Gen. Ironsi himself was not part of either the planning or the execution of the coup. Once the coup plotters lost control of events, General Ironsi was invited to take office as the military Head of State by the circumstance of his position as the most high-ranking military officer and the General Officer Commanding the Nigerian Army at that time.
There was neither a grand Igbo civilian conspiracy to overthrow a northern-controlled government nor to impose a unitary system of government, the phantom charges for which the Igbo people have paid and continue to pay a terrible price in Nigeria today.
It must also be noted that there have been several military coups in Nigeria since January 15, 1966 and yet the ethnic kinsmen of the perpetrators of such coups were not subjected to mass slaughter or wanton destruction of their property and places of worship.
But above all, on July 29, 1966, the northern officer corps themselves executed a retaliatory counter-coup in which the Head of State, Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi, was killed and over 300 military officers and men of Igbo origin were massacred. Why didn’t matters simply end there?
Eventually, the crisis reached its peak in May 1967 with the secession of the Igbo-dominated Eastern Region from Nigeria. The Republic of Biafra was declared and it was headed by the British public school- and Oxford-educated Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegu-Ojukwu.
The secession quickly led to a civil war after talks between former army colleagues, Yakubu Gowon and Ojukwu and the Aburi peace deal collapsed.
The Republic of Biafra lasted only until January 1970 after a campaign of starvation by the Nigerian Army with the support of Egypt, Sudan and the United Kingdom led to a decisive victory for the Nigerian side.
NEGATIVE DISCRIMINATION BY LAW
The Igbo in Nigeria have become the receptacle of anger, hatred, envy and frustration oozing out of their fellow compatriots. But this is on the level of the transactions between private citizens. How about the place of the Igbo in respect of the manner in which public affairs are conducted by the Nigerian federal government and its agencies?
The simple answer is that the rain has continued to beat the Igbo. To demonstrate this, I have composed a narrow but blunt table below:
ZONES NORTH WEST NORTH EAST NORTH CENTRAL SOUTH WEST SOUTH SOUTH SOUTH EAST
STATES 7 6 6 6 6 5
L. GOVT 186 112 115 138 123 95
Fed. Cnst 92 48 49 71 55 43
Sen. 21 18 18 18 18 15
The above table does not represent an opinion or a hypothesis. It represents the blatant reality of the third rate status forced upon the Igbo in the political space in Nigeria.
We, the Igbo have strived but thus far failed to persuade the Nigerian establishment about the hurt and humiliation and deprivation that come with the idea that we as a people are legally condemned to third rate status in our own country, as amply demonstrated by the above table.
The implications of this calculated fraud against my people are so massive and go entirely untold: unequal allocation of resources, unequal voice at the Federal Executive Council, unequal representation at the National Assembly (the gravest of all), unequal juridic participation in the administration of justice in the federation, unequal participation in the federal civil service and adjunct bodies, unequal representation in the armed forces and para-military organisations, unequal representation in the diplomatic corps ensuring incapacity in showcasing the Igbo culture as part of a pan-Nigerian culture in our foreign missions and embassies, fewer primary, secondary and higher education opportunities for our children, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera.
These structural disparities are constitutionally entrenched (please see the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999), thus their grave implications for Ndigbo are beyond the primary questions of inequity and marginalization.
The histories of nations are replete with evidence of existential threat to any group whose marginalization is made a subject matter of constitutional enshrinement.
With unequal voice in the Federal Executive Council, in the National Assembly, on the federal judicial benches and a vast array of other fora in which the Igbo suffer sub-parity representation, the strength of the advocacy of our problems and priorities is thus diminished. Little wonder, then, that the South-East Zone, the area inhabited by the Igbo, still manifests the physical characteristics of a conquered and occupied land, 43 years after the civil war.
Quite apart from the psychological assault it represents for Igbo people, the practical issues of unequal representation and unequal allocation of resources are calculated to retard the development of our region and our people. The massive difference which the resources and human empowerment that we are denied might have made in our society is something that calls not just for a sober reflection but a gritty resolve to bring about their speedy resolution.
The Igbo tenacity, drive and relentless optimism to pursue life’s enduring dreams of family, faith and success and to overcome life's challenges will see them through. But the world must listen to them whenever they cry out. For they have long suffered and endured in silence, as the rain continues to beat them.
Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, before I give a full introduction of its nature and purpose, another blunt table will demonstrate why Njiko Igbo was brought into existence:
1. NORTH CENTRAL – 17 YEARS 11 MONTHS 20 DAYS
2. NORTH WEST – 13 YEARS 11 MONTHS 10 DAYS
3. SOUTH WEST – 11 YEARS 10 MONTHS 8 DAYS
4. NORTH EAST – 5 YEARS 3 MONTHS 15 DAYS
5. SOUTH SOUTH – 5 YEARS 23 DAYS (by 29/05/15)
6. SOUTH EAST – 6 MONTHS 13 DAYS
MUSLIMS = 28 YEARS, 14 DAYS (as at 2010)
CHRISTIANS = 26 YEARS, 5 MONTHS, 15 DAYS (by 29/05/2015)
A citizen of Igbo extraction has occupied the presidency or premiership or Head of Government of Nigeria for just 6 months and 13 days in the nearly 53 years of Nigerian independence. Again, this is a historical fact and not a conjecture.
The presidency of the Nigerian nation has not eluded the Igbo by accident or by an act of divinity but by human design; and it is through human pressure that we can attain it.
Njiko Igbo is the catalyst and conduit for our collective action. We trust that you recognise, as we do, that power concedes nothing without a demand.
Chief Emeka Anyaoku, former Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, in a paper entitled ‘Ndigbo: An Integral Part of the Nigerian Project,’ says that the aim of the Nigerian project “...is to develop and sustain a nation in which all the constituent parts and citizens are able to pursue their self-fulfilment, and to enjoy as high a quality of life as possible; a nation that would be a source of pride to its citizens, to Africa and to peoples of African descent all over the world.” It is in this spirit that we have, therefore, decided to set up Njiko Igbo (Igbo Unity), which is a movement dedicated to changing the power formula in Nigeria in order to obtain justice and fairness for all Nigerians. As Chief Anyaoku further said, “There are so many Igbo names in the pantheon of our country’s pioneer educationists, professionals in medicine, law, engineering, journalism, and in private business.” So, why then can’t an Igbo man or woman become president of Nigeria?
Njiko Igbo is an organisation dedicated to the struggle for the ascent of a citizen of Igbo extraction to the presidency of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 2015.
We are fully committed to the security and peace of our nation, and to the comradeship of a common justice and equality for all Nigerians.
We are neither supportive of nor opposed to any political party or the aspirations of any individual politician. Our primary mission is to enlighten and mobilise the Igbo population, both at home and in the diaspora, to stand firm and united in the pursuit of our collective goal. Our secondary duty is to connect with and persuade the rest of the Nigerian population about the justice of our cause.
Njiko Igbo is waging this struggle precisely because there is an irrefutable evidence of blatant anti-Igbo bias in the manner in which the political architecture of this federation is constructed.
Gross injustice is the ultimate outcome of that deliberate discrimination. And every man or woman possessed of conscience has a duty to take a moral stand against injustice whenever and wherever it is manifest. This expression of conscience forms the tradition of the deepest values we share as a people.
The impulse to demand justice and the instinctive revolt against injustice constitute the most essential ingredients of humanity. If we recognize this philosophical essence of what truly defines our sentient nature, then we must accept that this struggle is not only inevitable but mandatory.
Our strategic operations are two-pronged: (a) an intensive drive to build and foster a united front at home and, (b) an energetic national mobilization campaign to marshal public opinion and secure the solidarity and support of a majority of Nigerians.
Our methods will be conciliatory, unaggressive, solicitous and flexible but without being amenable to the old easy compromises and defensiveness that reinforced prejudicial assumptions about us as a people.
We shall seek to accomplish our mission in a manner and style deferential to elders, respectful of the sensibilities of other tribal groups and faiths, attentive to criticisms and open to disputations.
We are embarked on a big and noble dream borne out of the necessities of our history and the imperatives of justice, equity and fair-play. While our history is a proud, large and significant imprint in Nigeria, the reality of our contemporary existence has been rendered small by the politics of the Nigerian republic. These times call for self-assertion and Igbo people must rise and answer the challenges with one voice.
We are not pursuing the orthodox argument connected with the zoning of the presidency. This is, instead, a struggle for justice and equality of opportunity through the instrumentalities of persuasion, mobilization, projection of a creative vision for a stronger and successful federation.
No one should be in any doubt that the political struggles and strifes raging in this country today, and which will rage for at least another generation, represent the struggles to assert group identity and legitimacy, expressed through the mechanics of politics. Igbo people can ill-afford to take a passive stance in this maelstrom.
Former President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the apex Igbo socio-cultural group, Chief Raph Uwechue says of the Igbo, in a paper entitled ‘Igbo are nation builders:’
“To the Nigerian project, the Igbo have given a great deal yesterday, are still doing so today, and have a lot more in store for a much greater tomorrow.”
It is time for the bloody rain to stop. Igbo people are already drenched and soaked to the point of suffocation. It is not only in the best interests of the Igbo but also in the best interests of the Nigerian people for the sun to rise and shine on us all.
Permit me to use this opportunity to appeal to the British government through this distinguished gathering to increase funding for special projects that benefit the underprivileged in Nigeria and Africa in general. The proposed legislation to reduce aid for health, education and infrastructure, amongst others, while committing more funds to war areas such as Mali with the provision of arms and ammunition will be counterproductive both in the immediate and medium term. Nigeria needs increased funding to meet our development challenges, the biggest of which is achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). This intervention will bridge the gap between the rich and poor countries, thereby making the world a much better place for all of us and our children.
I thank you for listening.
Your excellency, Governor Theodore Orji, executive governor of Abia State 'God's Own State', you made history as the only governor to sworn in outside your state of jurisdiction in taking oath of office on May 29th, 2007, it is a rare FEAT! Orji Uzor Kalu [OUK] defied all the intimidation's by the EFCC to nail you and get you arrested on the orders of the former president Olusegun Obasanjo and prevented you from being sworn in as the executive governor of Abia State.
It takes courage to achieve this feat! With the recent happenings and developments in Abia State, I couldn't but ask myself, where has Orji Uzor Kalu erred? Orji Uzor Kalu is rich [his once emerging Slok Airlines whose license was later revoked on the orders of ex president Olusegun Obasanjo and later relocated to Gambia and was doing quite well and many investments of his that could not be waved aside]. The recent controversies over his Abia State University, Uturu degree withdrawal by your administration is rather a politicize thing and unnecessary, having rule the state for eight years. What does he needs the certificate for again?
Your excellency, your eight years will come to an end by the grace of God May 29th,. 2015 and whoever comes in as the new governor of Abia State in 2015 will definitely reciprocate whatever you made Orji Uzor Kalu passes through as an ex-governor. Having subjected Orji Uzor Kalu to; victimization, character assassination, image ridiculing and slandering of his name. Orji Uzor Kalu transformation of Eyimba Football Club of Aba 'Peoples Elephant' to Africa's conquerors twice is no little feat and the magnificent Eyimba Township Stadium, Aba.
Your excellency, you talk about Abia State as the safest state in Nigeria no doubt about it, but some major townships roads in Umuahia and Aba remains in a pitiable state. You left governance and concentrate on fighting your benefactor, somebody that risks everything to make you what you are today! There is a Yoruba adage that says 'The rod that was used to chastise the ex-wife will also be used to chastise the new wife". Orji Uzor Kalu tweets as regards the certificate brouhaha to me is unnecessary, after all he is self made man.
Your excellency, Gov Theodore Orji remember, Orji Uzor Kalu worked for you, labored for you and sworn you in at the risks of his life outside Abia State and you decided to reward and pay him back in theses unimaginable ways! Where has Orji Uzor Kalu erred, your excellency? As you inch towards the ultimate in life, lessons are meant to be learn' in the highest level of administration. Is it only in Abia State that a sitting governor will attend university, what about ex-governor Ibrahim Idris of Kogi State that was attending University of Abuja when he was a sitting governor? It is only Abia State that an incumbent governor is subjecting his predecessor to these kind of humiliation.
Kindly fast forward life and think of POST 2015. All the noise about his transcripts from Uni Maid, somebody writing exams for him, the University Senate been under duress at the time, all these smears smokescreen. It is on record that the trio of Orji Uzor Kalu, Ahmed Bola Tinubu and Atiku Abubakar use all the resources at their disposal to fight ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo to stand still as regards the ill-fated and the aborted third term agenda and the resultant effect is what you are enjoying now.
Your excellency, it is and will be imperative to let the world know, where Orji Uzor Kalu has erred? Allowed Orji Uzor Kalu to enjoy his private life and concentrate on governance, transforming and delivering electoral promises to the good people of Abia State 'God's Own State', when you see a mad bull in China's shop, you find a way of leading it out gently to avoid damaging the contents in the shop;- according to Prof Wole Soyinka.
Governor Theodore Orji, allow Orji Uzor Kalu FRESH BREATH!
Taiwo Lawrence Adeyemi.
Cells:+234  812-148-2077.
+234  816-950-3218.
UMUAHIA- PDP stakeholders and Local Government leadership of the party in Bende Local Government Area of Abia state have directed all its ward leadership in the council to reject any move by the former governor of the state, Chief Orji Uzor Klau to return to the party.
Rising from a meeting held at Bende town, the party’s chairman in the council, Mr. Ihendu Eke said that the party was ready to readmit all its former members who had left except those he said are infected with political disease or virus.
Accoding to Eke, the meeting was called because of alleged move being made by the former governor to rejoin the party.. He claimed that rumours were on that the National Executive of the party wants to readmit Orji at the national level.
Eke who faulted the alleged move, noted that the party’s constitution stipulates that members can only come into the party from their political wards.
He therefore directed all the ward chairmen and their secretaries in the area to scrutinize anybody seeking to come into the party and get approval from the stakeholders and leaders before such person or persons would be admitted into the party.
“But any group has the right to choose those it would want to associate with, as it should not be an all comers affair. We do not want to admit those who will come in and give us the virus they left with, as we are virus free now”, Eke said when reminded of the constitutional freedom of association.
Eke claimed that it was such moves in the past that made the party at the council level to withdraw party registers from the ward chairmen, saying that the registers are still at the party headquarters in Bende to avoid problems of wrongful admission of those he referred to as “unwanted politicians”.
“We had earlier taken the party registers from our ward chairmen because of such unwarranted rumours and up till now after going through the registers we have not seen any such names like Orji Uzor Kalu in any of our registers and we want it to remain like that”, Eke said.
Eke also alleged party members in Igbere, the former governor’s native home, have protested alleged moved by the former governor to return to the party. The meeting later resolved not to allow the former governor to be readmitted into the party.
As the country inches towards the 2015 elections, many Igbo believe it should be the turn of the South-east to produce the president. But many of those who ought to lead the South-east presidency campaign appear to have a half-hearted belief in the cause. They are believed to be reading President Jonathan’s body language to see if he would be going for a second term.
But Kalu sees no sense in such wait for Jonathan. He says, “Anybody who wants to run for the presidency should prepare to run. Why should they wait for anybody to tell them whether he will run or not? That is part of the things that are not right in our democracy.”
“South-east has not been fairly treated. That is why when I see some Igbo people say they are waiting for Jonathan to decide whether he would run or not, I look at them as very stupid. Nobody should decide for anybody. As far as I am concerned, it is either you give Igbo the presidency or nothing.
“Almost 48 years after the civil war, you are telling people they are not entitled to rule Nigeria. Unless an Igbo man rules this country, the country would not be well. That is the truth because we are the salt of the nation. Whether you want to believe it or not, that is the truth. Anywhere you go in Nigeria and you don’t see an Igbo man living there, nobody lives there. So why don’t you give them the opportunity to rule their country? They have given Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, and Jonathan room to rule. Now is the South-east’s turn, it’s either the South-east or nothing.”
Strategy to Actualise President of Igbo Extraction
On whether the South-east has a coherent strategy for the achievement of their presidential dream, the former Abia State governor says formulating such plan is his preoccupation at the moment. “I know the national appeal is there,” he says. “I am going to play a leading role within my community to organise people for what Igbo are going to do. I wanted to be totally out of politics, but I’m going to sit back in my house and be part of their planning.
“I will plan for them and give them to go and execute. Awolowo wasn’t a president but he was a very important man in Nigeria. I’m sitting back to help give the Igbo what they don’t have: planning. I’m going to reconcile those who are quarrelling and get one of them to lead. We will get it right this time.”
He says the leaders; the candidates from the zone would emerge on their own. “But give me some months to be able to consult. The most important thing is the process that gets who would run for president. The president is just a by-product of unity. What I’m talking about is to kick-start the process. I have to go back to the drawing board, go back to the academics, traders, politicians, etc, and re-energise them to move forward.”
Is He Stepping into Ojukwu’s Shoes?
“I purposely kept away when Ojukwu died because his burial became an avenue for sycophancy. People who abused Ojukwu in my presence, people who never believed in him were praising him in death. I was surprised. That was why I sent a delegation to extend my condolences and I didn’t go”, he says..
“When Ojukwu was alive, they abandoned him. Most of these people who were talking abandoned him. Ojukwu’s brothers are there, they can speak because they know how close I was to him. They know I always tried to be with him at any point of his need.”
For the rest of the interview: http://www.vanguardngr.com/2012/09/2015-igbo-dont-have-to-wait-for-jonathan-orji-kalu/