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The year 2013 is an important year for the African Continent. It marks the 50th anniversary of the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU); the 11th year of the launching of the African Union (AU) and a decade of coming into being of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). These are indeed very giant efforts embarked upon by African leaders aimed at attainingunity and security of the African Continent, and advance the material and physical developmenther states and peoples. Although appreciable progress had been made, however, in comparison toother parts of the world, Africa lacks far behind in development and progress. Many factors account for this failure, but in my opinion, central of them all has been that of poor leadership; i.e.lack of good, visionary and purposeful leadership.


Given the realization of this deficiency under the light of globalization, we must make deliberate efforts to start a historic march towards creating a new political order.  Globalization today has imposed on Africa the dire need for good governance as the prerequisite to her economic and political development. And within the context of our transitional and emerging economies this necessity becomes even more ardent; whether or not we live up to it, is nonetheless today a defining issue for African states.




One most important feature of our generation is the globalization of the world – the world, they say, has become a global village! As a point of entry, globalization officially registered in English lexicon in 1930. In today’s usage, its context basically facilitates the mechanisms for unrestricted global relationships with the attendant transfer of trade, cultures, politics, norms and values amongst world societies. With the advancement of Science and Technology and the breaking of barriers of time and space in human relations, activities of societies became opened, known and accessible to all across the globe. This glaringly brought to light the disparities that exist between peoples and Nation-states of the world in their economic, political, bureaucratic, cultural, social, scientific and technological developments and standards. On this score, the disparities are seen to have tilted heavily against African States in relation to the rest of the world, especially to the West. These disparities are so deep and so serious that their continuous existence constitutes a grave problem that threatens global peace. There is therefore an urgent need to solve the crisis by bridging the disparities.


This need has, however, also given rise to some conflicting view points with regard to the position and fate of African States vis-à-vis the emergent globalization process and how to approach it. On the one hand, there are those who see the process as representing the most secure way of bridging this gap and make the ambitions and dreams for a politically stable, economically prosperous and socially safe and sound Africa come true. But on the other hand, for others, the New World Order is replete with such perverse effects that no matter what is done it would continue to render the ‘developing’ countries of Africa more economically dependent, technologically stagnant, socially confused and politically irrelevant in the new global village.


However, in-between these two extreme positions lies the truth. Globalization, which I define more or less as the spread and dominance of Western Civilization across the globe, has as its main features the ascendancy of global free trade, laissez-faire capitalist economy, science and technology, condensation and availability of knowledge through the WWW, connectivity of people through multiple global systems, literacy and education, liberal democracy, constitutionalism, high standard of human organization, sound administration, effective leadership skills and human rights and the rule of law. These features, now the basic indices for measuring the material development of nations and societies, are on their own worthy development implements. They have today defined the new world order and African states can and should strive to attain them. What is needed is good leadership and right strategy to drive the process. Thus, globalization has created for Africa the imperatives for good governance and alternative public policy options.




The underdevelopment of Africa vis-à-vis the rest of the world spans a period of over 500 years. From 1479 when Europe came into ‘active’ contact with Africa, the slavery era of the 16th – 19thcenturies, the ‘legitimate trade’ of the 19th century, the colonial domination of the 20th century, to the period of neo-imperialism of the late 20th century, the continent of Africa remained a subject of foreign exploitation. Since the end of colonialism (which was actually a central starting-point of the globalization process), African countries had desired, tried and failed to achieve the “progress” they observed in the developed countries. Not unexpectedly, after “failing” to achieve development by themselves, the African countries continued to depend on the 1st World countries for guidance. Their economic dependence level led to the recommendation of policies encapsulated as Austerity Measures and Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) by the IMF and World Bank. On the political level, they were also subjected to the United Nations’ resolutions on democracy, constitutionalism, human rights and the rule of law.


The IMF and World Bank thus prescribed economic policies to African countries, and our leaders accepted those policies wholesale and swung into action to implement them in the 1980s and well into the 1990s in the hope that it would build our economies and lead them unto prosperity. Thirty years after, when it became obvious that this developmental approach had failed, the IMF and World Bank then finally admitted that Austerity Measures and SAP were the wrong policies to have applied to the economies of African states as they were largely responsible for the resulting deprivation sweeping through the continent. In a report titled “The effect of IMF and World Bank Programmes on Poverty” the Breton Woods Projects revealed in 2000 that “poor nations are better off without structural adjustment”.


But the damage had already been done. World Bank and IMF Reports for 2005 – 2009 paint a very gory picture of the pathetic conditions of the Continent. African countries became so indebted that they practically lost their sovereignty. The issue of debt relieves then came out as a major concern in world politics and African states became beggar nations in the international community.  Domestically, there was a collapse in both human and physical infrastructures. In Sub-Saharan Africa, 80% of the population depends on solid fuel for cooking and through its indoor air-pollution, kills more than 1.5 million people each year with more than half of them being below 5 years old. Globally, this is 4000 deaths a day, a figure that is more than the total deaths from malaria. Also, the number of poor grew from 200 million in 1981 to 380 million in 2005. By 2001, according to the World Bank, when poverty was reducing in other regions of the world, it was increasing in Africa and Nigeria had the highest rate and number of poor people. The level of hunger in Sub-Saharan Africa in 2002 was higher than in 1992. It was the highest across all regions of the world and Sub-Saharan Africa was the only region where this indicator had actually increased between 1992 and 2002. The future is even bleaker because, based on current trends, by 2015, 90% of those living in extreme poverty (less than $1 a day) in the world will be in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.


Today, three quarters of poor people in Sub-Saharan Africa live in rural areas, where there is no health care, no electricity, no potable water, no schools, and with millions of deaths and high risk of death due to poor sanitary conditions, epidemics and armed conflicts. In these rural areas, the children are the worst hit. A child dies every 3 seconds, one child dies nearly every minute from measles, six million children die from malnutrition before their fifth birthday, 200,000 child-slaves are sold every year in Africa, about 120,000 African children carry arms in conflicts; some are as young as 7 years old. There are between 12 and 14 million African child- orphans due to HIV/AIDS, close to 2 million children below 14 years are themselves HIV positive, 43% of children do not have safe accessible drinking water; only 57% of African children are enrolled in primary education and less than 17% complete their schooling.


Twenty to thirty years after SAP and Austerity Measures, infrastructure stories are bleak too. By 2009, only 30% of African rural settlements have direct access to an all-season road, 35% must travel at least 2 kilometers to their primary source of water and Africans pay more than 200% extra for basic services compared to the rest of the world. The 2009 World Bank reported that poor infrastructure in Africa reduces national economic growth by 2% annually and reduces productivity by 40 percent. The entire installed power capacity of 48 countries in sub-Saharan Africa, a 2009 World Bank Report revealed, is a mere 68,000 gig watts, which is not up to that of Spain, one of the smallest countries in Europe. As it stands today one quarter of Africa’s installed power capacity is not operational. Africa needs $93 billion to close its infrastructural gap in energy, ICT, transportation and water. These are the facts of Africa’s underdevelopment.




The underdevelopment of Africa, driven from operating an unequal relationship in trade and commerce, is fraught with many implications. It led to the greatest peace time transfer of wealth from the nations in the periphery to the imperial countries in the center. In turn, the implication of this wealth transfer is the creation of wide gap between the richest and poorest countries of the world. In 1820, the rich imperial countries were 3 times richer than their poor colonial spheres of interest, by 1913 they were 11 times richer, by 1950 they were 35 times richer, by 1973 they were 44 times richer, by 1992, they were 72 times richer, and by 2001 they were 85 times richer. This represents 2,350% growth in wealth disparity between the rich and poor countries from 1820 to 2001 and nearly 50% of the growth in disparity occurred in the 28 years between 1973 and 2001. This means that the period of globalization alone accounts for more than 50% of the wealth gap between the rich and poor nations.


But after the colonial domination in the 1960s and prior to the economic crisis of the 1980s, there were positive attempts by post independence leaders to protect the economies of the states. But soon they were replaced by the policies from the IMF and World Bank. The main implication of this is that the IMF and World Bank policies and their wholesale adaptation and implementation are the central cause of this disparity more than anything else under the globalization process. Clearly, African leaders seemed to have dried the pond in order to catch the fish, as Mao Tsetung would say. This supports the contention that such policies were merely intended to help the economies of the imperial countries and more often add to the personal wealth of the African ruling class. But on the whole, the African states are the end-losers.




China, India, Indonesia, Singapore, South Korea, etc. were by 1930 poor third world countries like African countries, but today they are major players and centers of commerce and technology in the globalized market place. They have successfully navigated their economic crisis and progressed on a path of sustainable growth and development. China and India account for most of the global reduction in poor people.  For example, the World Bank reported that in 1990 there were roughly 375 million people in China living in extreme poverty; on less than $1 per day. But by 2001, the figure reduced to 212 million people, and by 2015, if the current trend holds, there will be only 16 million out of the 1.2 billion Chinese living on less than $1 a day. In South Asian countries, the numbers go from 462 million in 1990 down to 431 million in 2001 and further down to 216 million in 2015. In achieving this feat, these countries took selective and favorable approach to the application of policies designed to open them up for globalized trade. Their leaders refused to totally accept the policies of the IMF and World Bank in the 80s. Instead, they skillfully seized the positives of the globalization process to focus in improving education and infrastructure and, in particular, adopting good governance.


In Sub-Saharan African States, by contrast, the poverty level is actually increasing with a corresponding fall in educational and infrastructural standards. World Bank Report shows that there were 227 people living on less than $1 a day in 1990, 313 million in 2001, and an expected rise to 385 million in 2015. The key reason accounting for these differences between the former countries and African States can be centered on the type of persons, leaderships, policies and strategies employed to govern these countries in the face of the changing world order.


In other words, by reason of bad governance and poor policy options, Africa failed to overcome the challenges of globalization to develop its societies. Hence, about half a century since independence, African countries are still stagnantly underdeveloped, with all the attendant traits – illiteracy and ignorance, poverty and deprivation, famine and starvation, epidemics and health crises, child labour, mortality and low life expectancy, corruption and dishonesty in leadership, decaying infrastructure and moral decadence, crime and violence, or simply outright failure of states.




These are challenges that are beyond the scope of the current prevailing strategic methods employed by most African leaders. In my view, it is the lack of clear understanding of the issues confronting us over the years by our policy makers (either by design or default), itself therefore leading to poor policy choices and implementations, that inevitably led to Africa’s developmental failures. Increasingly, therefore, the option is for Africa (and Nigeria) to pursue a more sophisticated line of inquiry for a more complete view across the fields of government policy, trade and commerce, science and technology, human and physical infrastructures, etc. With their rich aptitudes and talents of large populations and their abundant untapped natural resources, African States can also seize the positives of globalization, overcome its challenges and attain rapid material development for the people. Only the entrenchment of good governance with creative strategies and alternative policy options based on a deep understanding of our history, society, culture and the global environment can make us achieve this laudable goal for our people. This requires the creation of the right kind of leadership that would in turn create the conditions in which our people can realize their potentials by getting their talents expressed and their resources harnessed. Since leaders are products of history, culture, values and circumstances of their societies, concerted and conscious efforts on the part of the people can create the desired leadership for our countries. I believe this to be the key option for Africa to meet the challenges of development under the new global reality.


For the last 4 decades, Nigeria and the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa have been under the World Bank and IMF Economic Policies which have turned out to be total failures. The next 30 years are again already being defined by the Poverty Reduction Programmes (PRP) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of the UNO. The PRP and MDGs concepts and principles are just the same old policies from the same old multi-national bodies that earlier prescribed debt relief, aid, privatization and trade liberalization as the basis for faster development for Africa. These kinds of externally originated policies examine economic realities of Nigeria and other African States decoupled from politics and geo-strategic relations, thereby creating false economic pictures for our countries. Let us not lose sight of the fact that over the years, leadership in Nigeria failed to stand its ground on the side of its citizens but rather accepted ridiculous ideas to sell off national assets and open up the country for plundering. It had not worked then; and this too will not work now.


Let us also further take note of the fact that since independence each leadership cycle in Nigeria has been characterized by the shifting of developmental milestones; starting from the National Development Rolling Plans 1st, 2nd and 3rd, to the projection of the Year 2000 for the provision of housing, health, education, food, transportation and jobs for all; followed by the era of Vision 2010, NEEDS, then Vision 2020, Vision 20:2020 and now the Transformation Agenda. Nigeria hasconsistently failed to meet these developmental goals and objectives on account of failure of leadership. If this continues Nigeria will bequeath to the next generation only poverty, hunger, illiteracy, desertification, environmental degradation, erosion, coastal encroachment and depleted natural resources; an unprepared generation that will not be able to use today’s technologies and energy sources to provide for its own needs. The children of the succeeding generation will have to beg for new technologies to harness renewable energy sources. They will be prone to conflict and manipulation because survival will be the only thing on their minds.


Our politics must be hinged on economic development of the society and separated from the current individual, group and regional supremacy contest, because this is the old way. If we continue to do things the old way we will only get the same old results all the time. The youth, women and the educated must be mobilized for Good Governance. The youth, because the future belongs to them; the women because the family is the nucleus of every society; and the educated because they are the light of the society. The welfare of people is the gauge for the effectiveness of any government and it is time to make their welfare the subject of politics. It is time for a positive change to responsible leadership.




Clearly, the present generation needs to induce in the people the appropriate qualitative change in their thinking process so as to re-organize their productive forces for economic self-reliance and veritable political and social renaissance. Africans must be made to think anew, to decide how best to restructure their polities, economies and education, and to re-engineer social changes that would lead to economic prosperity and a truly democratic and free society for a better and greater tomorrow. This is basically what our generation owes our people and the next generation.


My suggestion for attaining this goal is to create Research Centres of Excellence to do in-depth public policy research into domestic and global issues as they affect Africa’s material development - centres with articulate, media-savvy, home-grown intellectuals and analysts working as independent think-tanks to advocate and provide for alternative public policy options and strategies; while at the same time developing African perspectives on global trends and creating policy research frameworks on issues that require deeper interpretations, analysis, understanding and dissemination. As policy roles of government agencies and political parties are progressively diminishing, it is imperative that think tanks move in to fill the void and proffer viable solutions, strategies and alternative public policy options to meet the globalization challenges and opportunities.


As globalization has made it ever more clear the essential role of personal forces in shaping destinies of societies, such centres will need to focus and to put greater attention on the critical issue of leaders; to provide new perspectives on good leadership, accountability and transparency in governance, honesty and selflessness in public service, economic, social and educational plans, budgetary priorities, milestones and implementations’ diagrams, etc. The centres will thus provide better understanding to academics and journalists, strategic ideas to opinion molders and public policy makers and enlightenment to the general public.


I strongly believe that this approach will help create for African States, and Nigeria in particular, a high level of organization, a sincere and purposeful leadership, an enlightened and politically conscious citizenry, and an honest and responsive political class working purely for the sole benefit of the people within popular-based democratic cultures relevant to our environment, compatible with our mores and benefiting from diligent application and absorption of the traditional knowledge and practices of our people.  Accomplishing this will no doubt help break our failure syndrome and bring about the much desired but seemingly elusive dream of moving the continent to an advantageous position within the new global order capable of restoring the  pride and dignity of Africa and Africans.


Umar Ardo, Ph.D



Monday, 04 February 2013 22:38

Can Africans write their own story?

While contributing to the discussion - “De-risking Africa”, during the just concluded World Economic Forum in Davos, President Paul Kagame said: “The major problem I see is that Africa’s story is written from somewhere else and not by Africans themselves. That is why the rest of the world looks at Africa and Africans and wants to define us. They want to shape the perception about Africa. The best thing we can do for ourselves is own our problems, own our solutions and write our own story.”


The deliberate misrepresentation of Africa has been going on for decades. Ask our generation where civilisation started and you will most likely be told it is Europe. Few know that the Nile Valley was the intellectual, spiritual, educational and industrial center for the ancient world. The areas of science, medicine, mathematics, engineering, philosophy and religion, and so many other human activity areas were created there and were distributed throughout the world by various conquerors and travellers.


Most of what is written about Africa has been written by non Africans from their own perspective which is often clouded with neo-colonialism mentality and not in line with the African point of view. A clear example for us in Rwanda is the story of the Rwandan genocide. Numerous books by Western authors have been written some with clear distortions and inaccuracies of what actually happened. Understanding that this is done by purposeful design is the beginning of developing counter measures. In this era of globalisation it is critical that we write our own stories to suite our interests. This is what happens elsewhere.


There are many reasons – economic, political, and not least, our own dignity, that should drive us to write our own stories. If not for our economic and social development, writing our own stories frees us from being portrayed in someone else’s perspective and it gives us a sense of liberation. As President Kagame has pointed out, this can only be reversed by Africans taking charge and telling their own story, and unless this is done now, we will continue to be disrespected and preyed upon. Are Africans capable of writing their own stories? Yes, they can. Do they have the intellectual capacity to do so? Of course they do. What then, is preventing us from writing our own stories?


Knowledge is not the exclusive preserve of one race. Scientists in the Human Genome Project have proved that 99.9 percent of the human DNA is exactly the same in all races. Africa has great thinkers, academics, scientists, artists and writers. Some have done great things and their achievements have been recognized by honouring them with the prestigious Nobel prize. So, why is it that with such a wealth of knowledge and abundance of intellectuals, the African story continues to be told by non Africans?


The solution to the problem of writing our own story is not a difficult one. The requirements are: talent, writing skills and time. These we have in abundance. The rest is organisation and some resources, which we also have.


I have been impressed by the number of talented contributors to The New Times. I am especially thrilled by the increasing number of young contributors like Nathalie (Munyampenda), Alline (Akintore), Diana (Mpyisi) and others who are writing interesting articles on various subjects. Then there are seasoned writers like Pan (Butamire), Joseph (Rwagatare), Sunny (Ntayombya), Arthur (Asiimwe) and others. We are not short of talent and writing skills.


In order to support our President so that a couple of years from today his message at Davos is that of hope and self-assurance, a few things must be put in place. Firstly, a strong association of writers and potential writers (I believe there are many) must be created. If I recall well, a few years ago Dr. James Vuningoma, while at KIE (Kigali Institute of Education), started a writers association. Without reinventing the wheel, this association could be revived. The association should be a forum for members to share experiences, provide guidance, mentorship and resource mobilisation.


Writing is time and energy consuming and often not financially rewarding. Many writers write for personal fulfillment. To write researched articles needs resources. If we are going to be serious about writing our own stories, we should be ready to invest in our people, motivate them, recognise and reward their achievements. This could be achieved through a public-private-partnership. In the West, writers make a living out of writing. Publishers pay writers well and also provide incentives to encourage them to write more. This would be a good thing to emulate.


A critical element that is often ignored in Africa is the role of think tanks in development. Empowered think tanks in addition to coming up with creative and innovative ideas, also carry out research and development (R&D) work. We need to create and empower think tanks. The think tanks become the source of what to write on including positive propaganda. The West understands the critical role of think tanks and R&D and has been using them for centuries. Here, I would like to challenge our academic institutions to take the lead. The R&D within our institutions of higher education should produce ideas that can be turned into practical solutions to benefit the citizens.


Telling our own stories has a ripple effect in that it recognises achievement, motivates and creates heroes. We need to create heroes and idols for our children to have something to look up to with pride. Success stories motivate the young and lift the spirit.


While there are many answers to the question as to why we do not write our own stories, my take is that we have not yet completely overcome some of the neo-colonialism mentality. We need to completely liberate ourselves from mental enslavement. There is need to redefine our lifestyles, our priorities and our goals. In essence, a mindset change.



photoGerald Mpyisi is a former Math teacher and IT professional turned successful business man.




Africa’s first female billionaire named

Isabel dos Santos, the eldest daughter of Angolan President Jose Eduardo do Santos, is Africa's first woman billionaire, according to research by American financial magazine Forbes.Isabel dos Santos bought shares in several Portuguese companies in recent years, including a bank and a cable television firm.


According to FORBES, "Isabel dos Santos studied engineering at King’s College in London, where she lived with her mother, who is divorced from President dos Santos. She opened her first business in 1997, at age 24, in Luanda in Angola– a restaurant called Miami Beach...buying more shares of publicly traded companies in Portugal, including shares in a bank and a cable TV company. Those stakes, combined with assets Isabel dos Santos owns in at least one bank in Angola, have pushed her net worth over the $1 billion mark, according to research by FORBES, making the 40-year-old Africa’s first woman billionaire."


Dos Santos is the main shareholder in ZON Multimedia, Portugal's largest cable television company. She owns 28.8 percent through two other companies, Kento and Jadeium, according to Forbes' research. Her 19.5-percent stake in Portuguese bank BPI, one of the largest trading on the country's stock exchange, is worth $465 million.


Dos Santos also owns a quarter of Angolan bank BIC, estimated at $160 million, and a quarter of local telecommunications firm Unitel.The Unitel stake alone is worth over $1billion, analysts told the magazine.Isabel was born in 1973 to President Dos Santos' first wife, Tatiana Kukanova, an Azeri. The two have since separated.


Dos Santos became the oil-rich country's president in 1979 and today is Africa's second-longest ruling leader after Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro Obiang Nguema, who beats him by a month. Angola is the second-biggest oil producer in Africa, but its people are among the world's poorest. Most survive on less than two dollars a day.


The eldest Dos Santos daughter grew up in London, where she studied mechanical and electrical engineering at King's College. Her first business venture was a restaurant, Miami Beach, which she opened as 24-year-old in Luanda.


She speaks several languages and is married to Congolese art collector Sindika Dokolo. Discreet and media shy, she rarely appears in public. - Sapa-AFP








Prior to the advent of Islam and Christianity, most Africans practiced traditional African religion. Christians and Muslims were in the minority. Even after 1900 when Christian and Muslim expansion reached its peak, traditional African religion still maintained relevance. Very much misunderstood, the religion has been called all kinds of derogatory names, from animism to paganism. Traditional African religion is much more than Westerners give it credit for. It is a global framework of life, encompassing  every human situation and governing the whole society. Over 100 million Africans or 10% of the population still practice the religion full time.


Unlike other religions, African religions have no sacred texts  or creed comparable to the Torah, Bible or the Koran. Their expressions are found in oral traditions, rituals, myths, festivals, symbols and shrines. The primary role of Traditional African religion is to provide for human well being in the present, as opposed to offering salvation in a future world. Though beliefs and practices differ and vary across ethnic groups and regions, they have unifying themes. One single faith with local differences. For example, the Igbos of Southeastern Nigeria worship differently from the Yoruba of Southwestern Nigeria. The Akans of Ghana worship differently from the Dioula of the Ivory Coast. But they all believe in one super god, lesser divinities and in honoring the ancestors.


In a nutshell, traditional African religion is characterized by belief in a supreme being, who created and ordered the world, but is often experienced as distant and unreachable. Therefore, lesser divinities who are more accessible act as intermediaries with the super god. Violations of taboos or social norms are widely believed to result in hardships or illness for individuals or communities and must be countered by ritual acts  to reestablish order, harmony and well being.


Believers of the religion hold that ancestors sometimes act as emissaries between living beings and the divine, helping to maintain social order and withdrawing their support if the living behave wrongly. If there are infractions, the oraculists are called upon to discern what is wrong and make recommendations on how to resolve it.


It is very significant, that most Africans who adhere to Islam or Christianity also incorporate elements of indigenous African religion into their daily lives. Most Africans still believe in the power of Jujus to protect them. Most Christians and Muslims in Africa still consult traditional religious healers when someone is sick, and participate in ceremonies to honor their ancestors. In short, Christianity and Islam coexist harmoniously with traditional African religion. The reason for this harmony is because of the capacity of traditional African religions  to tolerate and accommodate alternative religious cultures.

This accommodation and tolerance is because African traditional religion is not export oriented, non hegemonic and non proselytizing. Unlike Christianity and Islam, these traditional African religions did not have the ambition to conquer the world. It was a domestic religion for Africans and Africans only. Therefore, it was not in competition with Christianity or Islam in the marketplace of creeds and souls, thereby avoiding conflicts and tensions. When African slaves came to the Americas, they carried their religious practices and beliefs with them. These beliefs evolved into Voodoo in Haiti and Santeria in Cuba.


ThumbnailDr. Leonard Madu is President of the African Caribbean Institute and African Chamber of Commerce. He is also a Fox TV foreign affairs analyst and writes from Nashville, TN.


There are three religious systems in Africa. Traditional African religions, Islam and Christianity. Before the arrival of Islam and Christianity, majority of Africans practiced traditional African religions, while Christians and Muslims were in the minority. Africa was the first continent into which Islam expanded from Arabia. In 639 AD, seven years after the death of Prophet Mohammed, the Arabs advanced towards Africa and reached the Horn of Africa, North Africa and the Maghreb region. It was not until the beginning of the 20th century that a massive Christian and Muslim expansion began, at the expense of traditional African beliefs. North Africa has more Muslims, while Black Africa has more Christians.


During the 20th century, almost 40% of Africans moved from traditional African religions to different shades of Christianity. This represents the largest religious movement that has occurred in history. Today, about 488,800,000 Africans are Christians or 47% of the population. Of this number, about 350,000,000 are Catholics. In 1902, there were about 1 million Catholics. Currently, Black Africa is home to about 21% of the world's Christians. It is reported that currently over 6 million Muslims are converting to Christianity every year in Africa.


Islam has also kept place with the Christian expansion in Africa. In 1900, there were about 11 million Muslims in Africa. Today there are over 421,900,000 Muslims in Africa, majority of them in North Africa. They presently constitute about 40% of the population. There are about 150,000,000 Muslims in Black Africa or 15% of the World's Muslims. Africa has the highest percentage of Muslims in the world-52%. It was easier for Islam to make inroads into Black Africa than Christianity, because it left the African way of life undisturbed, while Christianity did not.


Black Africa is one of the most religious places in the world. In sharp contrast to Europe, Russia and the United States, very few people in Africa are religiously unaffiliated. Atheism is seriously frowned upon. Africa is the only continent that harbors Christians and Muslims in almost equal numbers. In a sense, one can say that Islam is an Afro-Asian religion in that almost all Muslim nations are in Africa or in Asia. There are few Muslims in Albania, Kosovo, Bosnia and Russia. Christianity on the other hand can be said to be an Afro-Western religion in that most Christian nations are in Africa or in the Western world. Although there are millions of individual Christians in Asia, the Philippines can be said to be the only Christian nation in Asia. In this regard, Africa can be said to be the most ecumenical continent in the world. This ecumenism arises out of the capacity of traditional African religions to tolerate and accommodate alternative religious cultures. In most countries in Africa, few evidence of widespread anti- Christian or anti-Muslim hostility can be observed.


In the 1960s, when most countries in Europe, Asia and the Americas were still struggling to divorce religion from its politics, Africans were setting the trend. It should be remembered that the first President  of Senegal-an overwhelming Muslim nation-Leopold Senghor was a Christian intellectual. Gambia, Tanzania, and Burkina Faso, three nations that have a Muslim majorities saw no problems in electing  David Jawara, Julius Nyerere and Maurice Yameogo respectively as its first presidents.  All three were were Christians. Also, most African families are multi religious including mine. The father could be Muslim, the wife Catholic, the  daughter Baptist, the son Methodist, the brother Buddhist and the in laws traditional African religion.


The late King Mutesa 11 of Uganda was a Christian, but his uncle and chief adviser, Prince Badru Kakungulu was a Muslim. Most Christians and Muslims still consult traditional religious healers, believe in jujus, observe African rituals and participate in events to honor their ancestors. The Yoruba ethnic group of Southwest Nigeria symbolize this religious tolerance to its core. Split evenly between Muslims and Christians, the Yorubas make no distinction whatsoever between both religions when it comes to their daily lives, and the accommodating powers of traditional African religion manifests itself more within this ethnic group than with any other group in Africa.


However, this is not to say that there are no tensions  between the two faiths  once in a while, but most of the time what appears to be religious strife on the surface, may indeed reflect another kind of strife underneath. The Boko Haram in Nigeria say they are fighting to install an Islamic state, but most Nigerians believe  it is a secret  political and ethnic movement wearing a religious garb. The conflict in Sudan was not between the Muslims and Christians as some people thought, but a conflict between the non Arabized Black Southern Sudanese on one hand, and the Arab and Arabized northern Sudanese on the other.


In  Mali, the current rebellion by the Tuaregs has more to do with ethnicity than with religion. Though the rebellion has a religious connotation, it is an attempt by the Tuaregs to get a fair share of power now monopolized by the Bambara ethnic group. The opposition to Alassane Ouattara in the Ivory Coast was not because of his Muslim religious background as some people have insinuated, but because of his northern Dioula ethnicity. The Baoule's from the South see themselves as the natural rulers of the country, and thus they see  Ouattara as an interloper and outsider.


The conventional wisdom has been that Africans lack sensitivity and tolerance for people of other faiths and religions. Nothing can be further from the truth. Africa is an ecumenical continent, accommodating and tolerating religious pluralism. Africans are more likely to kill each other because of ethnicity, than religion.


ThumbnailDr. Leonard Madu is President of the African Caribbean Institute and African Chamber of Commerce. He is also a Fox TV foreign affairs analyst and writes from Nashville, TN.






Monday, 24 December 2012 18:17

Five African Countries To Watch


Africa’s rapid growth is not affecting the continent equally. Here’s a look at five African countries that represent some of the brightest spots.

In  May 2000, The Economist magazine declared that Africa was “the hopeless continent.” Eleven years later, in 2011, it referred to Africa as “the hopeful continent.” And on October 20, 2012, the magazine stated: “In recent years investors have been piling into Lagos and Nairobi as if they were Frankfurt and Tokyo of old.”


Clearly, gloomy skepticism has given way to glowing optimism about Africa, and for good reason—over the past 10 years, many of the economies within Africa are outpacing economies anywhere else in the world. In fact, according to the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) World Economic Outlook released in October 2012, 11 of the world’s 20 fastest-growing economies are in Africa, and this booming economic growth has helped create the fastest-growing middle class in the world.


Of course, the major trends driving this growth—changing policy environments, a growing middle class that expects equitable social and economic policies, high commodity prices, robust domestic demand, and rapid mass urbanization—have not affected all countries on the continent equally. Here’s a quick look at five economies that have especially benefited from recent developments, and those that pose some of the best potential for the future.


1. South Africa: The Continent’s Largest Economy

Africa’s southernmost country has a mature economy with strong industrial, financial, and transportation sectors. With GDP estimated at $408 billion and per capita income estimated at $11,000 for 2012, the country sits firmly in the World Bank’s Upper-Middle-Income category, along with Brazil and China. In 2010, South Africa joined the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), an association of top emerging economies distinguished by their fast growth and burgeoning influence in regional and global matters.

Despite its developed infrastructure and abundant natural resources, South Africa does face challenges in the areas of governance and inequality. Protests, strikes, and instability have hindered foreign investment in the country. And compared to Africa’s Middle-Income Economies—or MICs, as defined by the World Bank—South Africa’s 2.6% economic growth rate is sluggish. (This has partially been because closer ties to the global economy and substantial exposure to the Euro zone mean South Africa has been more affected by the global economic slowdown.)

That said, the country is a major regional powerhouse. It has large investments in neighboring countries. And South African companies—particularly its financial services, retail, fast food, supermarket, service station, and textile firms—are flooding the continent with consumer goods and services. This has given the country an outsize influence on the continent, and a firm stake in the success of economies across Africa.


2. Nigeria: A Waking Giant

Nigeria, in West Africa, tops most lists of African countries to watch over the next decade. Traditionally known as “the sleeping giant of Africa,” the country has a huge population of more than 167 million, over 50% of which lives in urban areas like Lagos and Kano. According to the state-run Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Nigeria is Africa’s largest oil producer, exporting 2.5 million barrels per day. Economically, it has registered a solid 7% growth rate for the last decade, and politically, with its second civilian transfer of power in less than a decade, the country has begun to consolidate its democratic reforms.

In many ways, Nigeria’s current status resembles that of Brazil before political and social reforms turned around its economy in the 1990s. Nigeria may be able to replicate Brazil’s success by adopting similar policies, including investing in infrastructure, reducing poverty and inequality, and reforming institutions.

According to an October 2012 report by Standard Chartered Research, Nigeria’s challenge is to replicate its success in technology (mobile telephony) in the utilities, refining, and agricultural sectors. The report urges Nigeria to move away from the “system of patronage” that has held the country back for decades. It also calls for greater emphasis on diversification and long-term planning that will change Nigeria from an “allocation” to a “production” state. The report states that, “Oil and gas, even given Nigeria’s vast resources, are not going to determine development in the future.”

Nonetheless, there is a great deal of optimism surrounding Nigeria. The Economist even suggested recently that Nigeria’s economy, messy as it still is, has the potential to overtake South Africa within a few years.


3. Angola: A China-Fueled Surge

Angola is sub-Saharan Africa’s third-largest economy after South Africa and Nigeria, with a GDP of $107 billion and per capita income of $8,200. Since the end of the civil war in 2002, Angola’s economy has been growing much faster than the continent’s two powerhouses, and the World Bank recently reclassified it as an Upper-Middle-Income economy. Unlike South Africa, however, Angola has a young economy that lacks diversification. And the country is still recovering from that 27-year-long civil war, which devastated its economy and people.

Angola is the continent’s second largest exporter of oil. Its economy was expanding at a rate of 15% before the global recession of 2009. Despite the current contraction, its economy is still expected to expand by 6.8 % this year thanks to the export of oil and diamonds, as well as uranium, iron ore, gold, and copper. (Most of Angola’s oil goes to China; Angola is China’s biggest trading partner on the continent.)

Since the end of the war, Angola’s civilian government has instituted aggressive economic and social reforms that are beginning to bear fruit, and it claims to have reduced poverty from 68% to 39% over the last decade. It has also asserted an infrastructure development program to build thousands of miles of roads and railroads, and hundreds of bridges and reconstructed airports. Most of these infrastructure projects involve Chinese firms under an oil-for-infrastructure deal that some criticize as favoring China.


4. Ghana: Africa’s Next Economic Star?

Another emerging African “lion” is West Africa’s Ghana, which is still classified as a Lower-Middle-Income country by the World Bank. Its economy grew at 14.3% in 2011, making it one of the fastest-growing economies in the world (and tops on the African continent), though the World Bank expects its growth to slow to 7.5% for 2012.

Ghana’s growth can largely be attributed to increased oil production, although diamond, iron ore, and cocoa exports also contributed to the bottom line. After decades of mismanagement, Ghana began to turn its economy around in the early 1990s, when it instituted wide-ranging economic reforms with the support of the IMF and World Bank. In 2007, oil was discovered, which led to faster economic growth. Today, Ghana has been a stable democracy since 1992, and is considered a model for prudent political and economic reform.


5. Ethiopia: Public Sector Investment

Ethiopia is an example of a non-resource-rich country with an economy that nonetheless grew at an average of 11% between 2004 and 2011. According to the World Bank, this is based on its government’s public sector investments in agriculture, industrialization, and infrastructure. Government investments in hydropower have made Ethiopia a net exporter of electricity to neighboring countries such as South Sudan and Djibouti. And with a population of 85 million, Ethiopia is sub-Saharan Africa’s second most populous country, after Nigeria.

With that population expected to reach 100 million by 2020, Ethiopia represents a huge market that is expected to drive economic integration in the region and growth for its neighbors. In addition, the country has been praised for making progress in all areas of the Millennium Development Goals (ending poverty, hunger, and disease). The Ethiopian government estimates that poverty declined from 38.7% in 2004 to 29.6% in 2011. As a result, Ethiopia has laid the foundations for sustainable growth and even emerging economy status.


A Look To The Future

While these five economies represent some of the brightest spots on the continent, others are waiting in the wings, particularly those that are rich in resources. The World Bank notes that the combined benefits of a peace dividend and iron ore exports in Sierra Leone, for example, have led to a 25% growth rate over the course of 2012. Similarly, in Niger, uranium and oil exports have led to a 15% growth rate this year.

According to the October 2012 edition of Africa’s Pulse, a World Bank publication, at least 10 countries are expected to join the 21 in sub-Saharan Africa that the bank classifies as MICs. Among those predicted to be upwardly mobile are Kenya, Tanzania, and Rwanda, where the discovery and development of new reserves of oil, gas, and other minerals, is expected to accelerate growth.

Terra Lawson-Remer, a Fellow for Civil Society, Markets & Democracy at the Council for Foreign Relations in Washington, D.C., cautions not to paint Africa’s growth story with “too broad a brush stroke.” She notes that most of the countries that have registered rapid growth rates are resource-rich, and have benefited from high commodity prices in recent years.

Emira Woods, co-director of Foreign Policy in Focus at the Institute for Policy Studies, also cautions against focusing too much on growth rather than equity. She notes that, “We are seeing growing inequality both within and among countries.” This inequality is compounded by the rising expectation among the poor for wealth-sharing that, if not met, could lead to political instability.

“This is the reason we have protests in Nigeria, Tahrir Square [in Egypt], Sudan, and Tunisia,” Woods said. “The current labor uprising in South Africa also shows evidence of the problem of expectations [and] of inequality.”

Nevertheless, there are strong signs for the continent as a whole. Lawson-Remer suggests the downturn in Europe’s economic fortunes means that “capital looking for investments has to go elsewhere.” Thanks to Africa’s growing economies, high rate of return, and abundance of natural and human resources, Western conglomerates like IBM, Nokia, and Nestlé are investing heavily. And China’s interest shows no sign of waning. The country’s trade with Africa is expected to hit $220 billion in 2012—a 25% growth rate annually—and its former vice-minister of commerce, Wei Jianguo, told China Daily that Africa will surpass the U.S. and the E.U. to become China’s largest trading partner.

Woods argues that, across the continent, technological development will be the “way of the future.” She points to innovations such as mobile banking and the massive penetration of mobile phone technology, as positive developments. “The combination of the fast-growing youth bulge—workers aged 16 to 30—and technological innovations are positive and bode well for the continent,” Woods said.

Considering these factors, there is reason to believe that, despite challenges, Africa will continue to produce dynamic, emerging market economies. South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana, Angola, and Ethiopia may just be the first wave—with many more to follow.


Francis Njubi Nesbitt is an associate professor of Africana Studies at San Diego State University. Previously, he worked as a reporter and editor at the Daily Nation in Nairobi, Kenya; the Seattle Skanner in Seattle, Washington; and the Union-News and Sunday Republican in Springfield, Massachusetts. He is the author of Race for Sanctions (2004) and Politics of African Diasporas (2012). His writing has been published in numerous journals including African Affairs, International Journal of Southern African Studies, African Issues, African World, and Africa World Review, and he is a regular contributor to Foreign Policy in Focus.


Sunday, 23 December 2012 17:34

Avoiding Africa’s ‘resource curse’.


Avoiding Africa’s ‘resource curse’.


When the oil rigs started pumping crude off the coast of Ghana’s Western Region in December 2009, many people hoped for better living standards and development. But some worried that the country did not have the necessary laws to properly manage the new revenues. They wondered whether Ghana would be able to break the “curse” that has often marked Africa’s oil and mining industries: decades of extraction that often saw only a few getting richer but the majority getting poorer, economic distortions caused by improperly managed resource wealth and hardly any money set aside for times when commodity prices dip or the wells dry up.


For Ghana, examples of such problems are very close to home. Nigeria, its West African neighbour — and the continent’s largest crude producer — saw successive governments deplete the estimated $400bn earned from crude oil sales since the 1970s. Besides, Ghana’s own record in managing mineral revenues after a hundred years of gold mining was not the best.


But it seems that a new dawn has broken. Steve Manteaw of the Civil Society Platform on Oil and Gas — a coalition of civil society groups that promotes transparent and accountable management of oil and mineral wealth — said “Ghana is on the right path because it has in place a law that governs how the oil revenue is collected and managed.”


Experts have described Ghana’s Revenue Management Act — passed more than a year after the first oil was pumped from the country’s Jubilee Field — as an ‘innovation.’ The law outlines clear mechanisms for collecting and distributing petroleum revenue. It specifies what percentage should help fund the annual budget, what should be set aside for future generations and what should be invested for a rainy day.


Petroleum revenue contributed four per cent of the government’s total capital spending in 2011. The funds went mainly to investments in road infrastructure, but also to building the capacity of the oil and gas sector, repaying loans and strengthening agriculture, most notably for fertiliser subsidies.


In devising its law, Ghana borrowed from best practices in Norway, Timor-Leste and Trinidad and Tobago, which have developed laws to better govern oil and gas exploration and production, and to manage the revenues.


Rarely are citizens’ groups given a chance to oversee how natural resource revenue is managed in Africa. That is why experts have hailed the creation of Ghana’s Public Interest and Accountability Committee under the provisions of the petroleum revenue law. Civil society groups lobbied vigorously for the 13-member committee. With membership drawn from organised professional bodies, think tanks, pressure groups and traditional institutions, among others, the body serves as a platform for public debate on how petroleum revenues are spent.


The PIAC also monitors and evaluates compliance with the law by the government and other institutions, provides an independent assessment of petroleum production and receipts, and publishes its findings in half-year and annual reports.


A report issued in May 2012 covering oil production in 2011 found that its revenues provided the government with considerable fiscal relief, thereby enabling it to shift more funds into development programmes. But it also noted that the government did not fully comply with all the law’s provisions. The Revenue Watch Institute commented that the report “sets new standards for accountability.”


The law alone, experts say, does not solve all the problems. Mr. Kuyole notes that it needs to be backed by appropriate regulations determining how the government spends its annual budgetary allocation, among other things.


African governments often lack the capacity to effectively monitor resource production, and thereby to determine accurately how much revenue they are owed. Yusupha Crookes, the World Bank’s Country Director in Ghana, recently said, “A mining fiscal regime is only as effective as the combined administrative capacity of the government institutions charged with enforcing it.”


Mr. Crookes argued that “it is important to have systems and processes in place to effectively address oil, gas and mining tax payments administration,” since “the general tax system may not be efficient enough for the extractive sector.”


Mr. Emmanuel Kuyole of the Revenue Watch Institute agrees. In Ghana’s case, he stresses the need to put in place all the various committees provided for by the law, and to strengthen institutions like the Petroleum Commission and the unit of the Ghana Revenue Authority involved in monitoring production and the determination of revenue.


Ghana may need to look at how revenue paid by mining companies is determined and at who is calling the shots, says Kwaku Boa-Amponsem of Boas and Associate, the lead consultant for the Ghana Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative’s multi-stakeholders group.


Sometimes, all that is needed is to make the law clearer. In Ghana, complexities under the tax law in computing mining royalties meant that firms paid the lowest rate for many years. After a review of the law last year, revenues are now expected to increase substantially.


Across Africa, new oil fields are being discovered. Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia and Mauritania have all discovered oil in commercial quantities. And in the last couple of years, new discoveries have been made in Angola, Cameroon, Gabon, Niger and Sierra Leone, while extensive exploration is ongoing in a number of others. East African neighbours Kenya and Uganda are poised to become major oil producers in the near future.


Dr. Manteaw of the Civil Society Platform on Oil and Gas thinks there are lessons for Ghana and for African oil-producing countries more generally. “Where countries have effectively used natural resources to transform their economies and the lives of their people,” he points out, “the countries themselves have been active participants in the sector and work towards ownership by buying shares in the producer firms or reinvesting the revenue and living off the dividends, like Botswana.”


Professor Paul Collier, director of the International Growth Centre, a UK research institute, expressed similar views during a recent visit to Liberia. He said that the discovery of oil there could either end poverty or increase it, depending on which road Liberians follow: “If you find yourself at the crossroads, it’s your determination that can lead you to the case of Botswana or Ghana and not other worse oil scenarios in the world.”


After decades of oil production and billions of dollars in revenue unaccounted for, Nigerians are hoping that the country’s new Sovereign Wealth Fund — if managed well — will improve living standards. Angola, Africa’s second largest oil producer, is also considering setting up such a fund.


•Efam Dovi, a journalist, wrote from Greater New York Area.


Friday, 14 December 2012 02:33

U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa


Upon taking office, President Obama committed to supporting strong, open, and accountable governments and sustainable development in Africa. In his speech before the Ghanaian Parliament in July 2009, the President asserted that Africa is a fundamental part of our interconnected world, and called for a partnership with Africa that is “grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect.” The National Security Strategy, released in May 2010, reinforces this vision, and calls for partnership with African nations as they grow their economies and strengthen their democratic institutions and governance. In June 2012, the President approved a Presidential Policy Directive that outlines his vision with respect to U.S. policy toward sub-Saharan Africa. This document is drawn from and reflects that Directive.

Over the last three and a half years, we have worked to translate the President’s words to the Ghanaian Parliament into action. We have supported democratic development by strengthening institutions and challenging leaders whose actions threaten peaceful political transitions, including in Cote d’Ivoire. We have advanced peace and security by playing an integral role in the birth of South Sudan, supporting the African Union Mission in Somalia, and working with regional partners to counter the predatory Lord’s Resistance Army. We have engaged young African leaders who will shape the continent’s future. We have invested in development partnerships to foster sustained economic growth, promote food security, increase resilience to climate change, and improve the capacity of countries and communities to address HIV/AIDS, malaria, and other health threats. We have been the world’s leader in responding to humanitarian crises, including in the Horn of Africa, while at the same time working with our African partners to promote resilience and prevent future crises.

The economies of sub-Saharan Africa are among the world’s most rapidly growing. An increasing number of African governments and regional organizations are taking a lead role in addressing the security and political challenges within their borders and beyond and are increasingly influential players in interna­tional fora. The African Union serves as an important leader on political, diplomatic, and peacekeeping issues across the continent. At the same time, urbanization and a burgeoning youth population are changing the region’s demographics in profound ways, and young people are increasingly making their voices heard.

While the continent has made important gains on democracy and institution building, those gains are fragile. There are still too many countries where the transition to democracy is uneven and slow, and leaders who resist relinquishing power. In many countries, corruption is endemic, and state institutions remain weak. In addition to eroding the legitimacy of governments, these factors impede local business activity and foreign investment. Despite having much of the world’s arable land and many of its richest fisheries, the agricultural sectors of many sub-Saharan African states are underperforming, and poverty still cripples the lives of too many. Transnational security challenges pose threats to regional stability, economic growth, and U.S. interests.

As the United States addresses these opportunities and challenges, we will be guided by our core interests in sub-Saharan Africa: ensuring the security of the United States, our citizens, and our allies and partners; promoting democratic states that are economically vibrant and strong partners of the United States on the world stage; expanding opportunities for U.S. trade and investment; preventing conflict and mass atrocities; and fostering broad-based, sustainable economic growth and poverty alleviation.

Given the growing strategic importance of sub-Saharan Africa to the United States, over the next 5 years we will elevate our focus on and dedicate greater effort to strengthening democratic institutions and spurring economic growth, trade, and investment, while continuing to pursue other objectives on the continent. Stronger democratic institutions lead countries to achieve greater prosperity and stability; are more successful in mitigating conflict and countering transnational threats; and serve as stronger partners of the United States. Additionally, promoting sustainable, inclusive economic growth is a key ingredient of security, political stability, and development, and it underpins efforts to alleviate poverty, creating the resources to support health care, education, and other public goods.

The Four Pillars of the U.S. Strategy Toward Sub-Saharan Africa

The United States will partner with sub-Saharan African countries to pursue the following interdependent and mutually reinforcing objectives: (1) strengthen democratic institutions; (2) spur economic growth, trade, and investment; (3) advance peace and security; and (4) promote opportunity and development. Across all objectives, we will: deepen our engagement with Africa’s young leaders; seek to empower marginalized populations and women; address the unique needs of fragile and post-conflict states; and work closely with the U.N. and other multilateral actors to achieve our objectives on the continent.

I. Strengthen Democratic Institutions

As the President said in Ghana, “Africa doesn’t need strong men, it needs strong institutions.” We will work to advance democracy by strengthening institutions at every level, supporting and building upon the aspirations of Africans for more open and accountable governance, promoting human rights and the rule of law, and challenging leaders whose actions threaten the credibility of democratic processes. As the National Security Strategy states, our support for democracy is critical to U.S. interests and is a fundamental component of American leadership abroad. We will pursue the following actions:

• Promote Accountable, Transparent, and Responsive Governance. The United States will expand efforts to support and empower key reformers and institutions of government at all levels to promote the rule of law, strengthen checks on executive power, and incorporate responsive governance practices. We will also seek to expand African membership in the Open Government Partnership and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, which promote sound governance, transparency, and accountability.

• Bolster Positive Models. The United States recognizes that Africans must forge lasting solu­tions, and build their own democracies. To this end, we will support those leaders and actors who are creating vibrant democratic models, including elected leaders as well as young Africans who are leaders in civil society and entrepreneurship. We will use the facilitating power of the United States Government to help young African leaders network with one another, share innovative solutions, and demonstrate America’s support for their efforts.

• Promote and Protect Human Rights, Civil Society, and Independent Media. The United States will amplify and support voices calling for respect for human rights, rule of law, accountability and transitional justice mechanisms, and independent media. Further, we will continue to focus on empowering women and marginalized populations, and opposing dis­crimination based on disability, gender, or sexual orientation.

• Ensure a Sustained Focus on the Credibility of Democratic Processes. The United States will take a strong and consistent stand against actions that undermine democratic institutions or the legitimacy of democratic processes. We will evaluate elections against the highest possible standards of fairness and impartiality. The United States will seek to expand adherence to the principle of civilian control of the military, and will support strong measures against individuals or groups that threaten legitimately elected governments.

• Promote Strong Democratic Norms. The United States will support efforts by regional and international bodies to enforce the consistent application of democratic practices, particularly the African Union’s African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance and other mul­tilateral standards. We will support basic and civic education to ensure future generations are active, informed, and committed to the rights and responsibilities of democratic citizenship.

II. Spur Economic Growth, Trade, and Investment

It is in the interest of the United States to improve the region’s trade competitiveness, encourage the diversification of exports beyond natural resources, and ensure that the benefits from growth are broad-based. We will pursue the following actions as we seek to accelerate inclusive economic growth, including through trade and investment:

• Promote an Enabling Environment for Trade and Investment. Building on U.S. programs such as the Partnership for Growth and New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, as well as international programs such as the Open Government Partnership and the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, we will encourage legal, regulatory, and institutional reforms that con­tribute to an environment that enables greater trade and investment in sub-Saharan Africa. We will also encourage sub-Saharan Africa’s private sector to engage governments to undertake these necessary reforms.

• Improve Economic Governance. We will help to build the public sector’s capacity to provide services and improve protections against illicit financial activity. Greater economic governance facilitates effective management of public finances, more efficient and transparent use of (and less reliance on) donor aid, and increased transparency and accountability. In turn, strong public financial management helps increase transparency and effectiveness in government operations and broaden the revenue base.

• Promote Regional Integration. Increased African regional integration would create larger markets, improve economies of scale, and reduce transaction costs for local, regional, and global trade. We will work with regional economic communities, including through the U.S.-East African Community Trade and Investment Initiative, and national governments to reduce the barriers to trade and investment flows across the continent. In particular, we will promote trade facilitation, customs modernization, and standards harmonization; support regulatory coherence and transparency; improve infrastructure that strengthens regional trade and access to global markets; and explore ways to remove impediments to efficient operation of supply chains in the region.

• Expanding African Capacity to Effectively Access and Benefit from Global Markets. Notwithstanding the tariff advantages afforded by the United States to sub-Saharan Africa, non-oil exports from Africa to the United States continue to grow slowly and have not reached their full potential. To increase Africa’s capacity to produce goods for export that are diverse, competitive, and meet global standards, we will (1) work with the Congress to extend the uni­lateral preferences under the African Growth and Opportunity Act beyond 2015 and extend the Generalized System of Preferences beyond 2013, while also exploring ways to update these programs and enhance African capacity to fully utilize and benefit from these programs, includ­ing through the African Competitiveness and Trade Expansion Initiative; (2) increase coopera­tion and technical assistance on a range of issues, including building Africa’s capacity to meet product standards, food safety and sanitary and phytosanitary requirements, product testing, and certification requirements; and (3) take steps to increase productive capacity and improve the competitiveness of African exports, including by helping to address a range of supply-side constraints that raise costs and reduce the efficiency of exports.

• Encourage U.S. Companies to Trade with and Invest in Africa. Many U.S. businesses – par­ticularly small- and medium-sized enterprises – are unaware of opportunities for trade with and investment in Africa, or face challenges establishing business relationships in sub-Saharan African countries. In harmony with the National Export Initiative, we will develop a “Doing Business in Africa Campaign” to harness the resources of the United States Government to assist U.S. businesses in identifying and seizing opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa. We will also engage with members of the sub-Saharan African Diaspora in the United States, who are showing an increasing level of interest in investing in their countries of origin.

III. Advance Peace and Security

African states are showing increasing capacity to take the lead on security issues on the continent. Nonetheless, international and domestic conflict and the inability of some governments to meet the basic security needs of their people continue to be key obstacles to effective democratic governance, economic growth, trade and investment, and human development. Only Africa’s governments and people can sustainably resolve the security challenges and internal divisions that have plagued the continent, but the United States can make a positive difference. Recognizing this fact, we will pursue the following actions:

• Counter al-Qa’ida and Other Terrorist Groups. In our approach to counterterrorism, we will continue to be guided by the President’s affirmation in the National Security Strategy that he bears no greater responsibility than ensuring the safety and security of the American people. Consistent with the National Strategy for Counterterrorism, we will concentrate our efforts on disrupting, dismantling, and eventually defeating al-Qa’ida and its affiliates and adherents in Africa to ensure the security of our citizens and our partners. In doing so, we will seek to strengthen the capacity of civilian bodies to provide security for their citizens and counter vio­lent extremism through more effective governance, development, and law enforcement efforts.

• Advance Regional Security Cooperation and Security Sector Reform. We will deepen our security partnerships with African countries and regional organizations and their stand-by forces by expanding efforts to build African military capabilities through low-cost, small-footprint operations, consistent with the vision set forth in “Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense.” We will also seek to strengthen the capacity of civilian bodies and institutions to improve the continent’s ability to provide security and respond to emerging conflicts. Moreover, U.S. military and civilian agencies will help establish effective partner nation security forces, intelligence organizations, and law enforcement and border control agencies that are subordinate to and operating jointly with their constitutional civil authorities.

• Prevent Transnational Criminal Threats. We will build comprehensive partnerships that leverage our land border, maritime, aviation, cybersecurity, and financial sector expertise to counter illicit movement of people, arms, drugs, and money, as well as guard against the criminal facilitation of weapons of mass destruction material and technology. We will work to curb armed robbery at sea and protect fisheries, and continue to implement our Counter-Piracy Action Plan off the coast of Somalia. Consistent with the Strategy to Combat Transnational Organized Crime, we will support efforts and build partner capacity to combat corruption and instability as well as to combat trafficking in persons.

• Prevent Conflict and, Where Necessary, Mitigate Mass Atrocities and Hold Perpetrators Accountable. Consistent with the objectives of Presidential Study Directive-10, we will address atrocity risks at the earliest stage possible to help prevent violence before it emerges, and bolster domestic and international efforts to bring perpetrators to justice. We will also cultivate deeper and broader support among governments and multilateral organizations to work toward the same objectives.

• Support Initiatives to Promote Peace and Security. We will support U.N. peacebuilding and peacekeeping missions in sub-Saharan Africa, including by working to ensure that peacekeeping missions are well-led, well-supported, and appropriately resourced in order to maximize their effectiveness. Within African countries, we will support those who work to overcome communal divisions in pursuit of sustainable and peaceful political processes.

IV. Promote Opportunity and Development

This Administration, including through the Presidential Policy Directive on Global Development, has charted a new approach that focuses on sustainable development outcomes and a new operational model for U.S. development assistance and builds on our work to date. Africa is the focus of three key Presidential development initiatives: the Global Health Initiative, Feed the Future, and the Global Climate Change Initiative. Additionally, two of the four Partnership for Growth countries (Ghana and Tanzania) are in Africa. In each of these efforts, we have highlighted the importance of reform and transparency to development and prioritized good economic and project management to promote sustainability. We are investing in a growing number of good-performing countries and seeing the evidence in clear outcomes and the increased capacity and commitment of our partners. We will pursue the following actions as we strive to further accelerate development progress:

• Address Constraints to Growth and Promote Poverty Reduction. We will leverage our engagement via multilateral financial institutions to advocate for increased financing for poorer countries, and will focus on addressing constraints to growth. We will encourage governments to use revenues, particularly from energy sources, to more broadly benefit their populations, and we will continue to support the expansion and improvement of sub-Saharan Africa’s education services.

• Promote Food Security. Food security will remain a priority, consistent with the commitments made by the United States at the L’Aquila Summit, through the Feed the Future Initiative, and the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition launched at the 2012 G-8 Summit. We will build on the progress achieved thus far, while also intensifying our efforts to promote policy reforms, drive increased private capital to African agriculture, scale innovation, and reduce risk.

• Transform Africa’s Public Health. We will work through the Global Health Initiative and our disease-specific programs, including the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief and the President’s Malaria Initiative, to tackle other diseases and malnutrition while strengthening health systems for sustainable impact. We will continue to leverage the leadership being demonstrated by a growing number of African countries on global health in order to bolster our efforts to promote good governance, development, and economic growth, including as we pursue the expanded AIDS prevention targets announced on World AIDS Day in 2011 and through the June 2012 Child Survival Call to Action.

• Increase Opportunities for Women and Youth. We will continue to use our diplomacy and assistance programs to empower women, including through the African Women Entrepreneurship Program, implementing the U.S. National Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security, and focusing on maternal and child health as a centerpiece of the Global Health Initiative. This includes enhancing efforts to protect women in the context of conflict and humanitarian emergencies. We will also continue engaging with Africa’s next generation of leaders by advancing the President’s Young African Leaders Initiative to provide tools to sup­port leadership development, promote entrepreneurship, and connect young leaders with one another and the United States.

• Respond to Humanitarian Crises While Promoting Resilience. While continuing to lead the world in response to humanitarian crises in Africa, we will promote and bring to scale resilience policies and programs. In that context, we will work to prevent the weakening or collapse of local economies, protect livestock, promote sustainable access to clean water, and invest in programs that reduce community-level vulnerability to man-made and natural disasters.

• Promote Low-emissions Growth and Sustainable Development, and Build Resilience to Climate Change. We will continue promoting resilience and adaptation to impacts of climate change on food, water, and health in vulnerable African countries, supporting the adoption of low-emissions development strategies, and mobilizing financing to support the development and deployment of clean energy. We will also work to protect and encourage sustainable use of Africa’s natural resources.



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Text of an address by Senator Ben Ndi Obi, Special Adviser to the President on Inter-Party Affairs, at the Canadian Council of African Gala Dinner at Ottawa, Canada, on Tuesday, October 16, 2012.


LET me start by acknowledging this great honour done to me and indeed my country Nigeria by the organizers of this symposium, The Canadian Council for Africa. I am truly humbled and appreciative of the choice of my person as the Keynote Speaker. Thank you very much. I bring you felicitations from the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR, and your friends back home in Nigeria nay Africa.


I have chosen this topic principally to draw attention to the fundamental change taking place in Africa, a change that not only challenges conventional paradigms about Africa’s development (or lack of it) but, importantly, points to an evolving vista which many observers may be too slow to grasp. What is important about the evolving transformation is its inherent propensity to soak-up the embedding dysfunctionalisms hitherto associated with Africa’s long and sad journey towards economic resilience.


About 9 months ago, the famous development economist, Prof. Mathiason, had this to say about Africa: “It has taken 50 years for the wind of change to blow through the continent, but former colonies, rich in commodities, are finally inching towards stable government thus providing a challenge for enlightened foreign investors.”


To put this in context, a classic mistake many scholars and policy analysts make in their evaluation of Africa’s prospects is to view the continent monolithically. Whilst some share severe forms of deprivation, underdevelopment and stultifying business environments, many are genuinely implementing far-reaching institutional reforms in order to promote a more effective involvement in the global economy. On this occasion I intend to speak on these bold attempts.


Africa still faces a number of critical challenges that were articulated over ten years ago, which must be met if the region is to have a sustainable future. Poverty, low economic growth, lack of financial resources, severe degradation of land, water and forests, wars, civil unrest, and major health problems are all familiar problems. It really appears as if nature has conspired with man in most cases to create these challenges. In Nigeria for instance, we are experiencing our very first natural disaster in the form of terrible floods that sacked whole towns and indeed about 40 per cent of the land mass is submerged thereby rendering millions of people homeless. Doubtless this is a set back on the progress recorded in certain areas of the polity. It calls for international assistance. We also get to hear of erosion, desert encroachment, civil wars and famine among others in various parts of Africa, including Nigeria.


Africa’s economic development has stagnated particularly from the 1980s and 90s with the adoption of the Breton Woods Institution’s Structural Adjustment Programmes and other policies intended to make the continent move forward. The Washington Consensus, for instance, emphasized openness and privatization.


Though Africa leaders had over the years adopted various development strategies as enunciated in the Lagos Plan of Action of 1980, the Final Act in Lagos, Nigeria of 1985 and NEPAD Initiative of 2001, and so many others; yet, the experiences of the African countries in their attempt to achieve economic cum political development and integration have not been very salutary. In fact, African economies became worse and increasingly more dependent at the end of the experimentation of each development strategy.


However, African leaders have not rested on their oars in this direction. The transmutation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to African Union (AU) was for, among other reasons, to promote socio-economic development of Africa and to enable her face more effectively the challenges posed by globalization (AU Act 2002).


The paradox of Africa’s socio-economic and political problem is that Africa is blessed with both human and rare natural resources that can transform this region of the world to the status of highly developed and politically powerful region. In the area of population and size, Africa is at least in good strength when compared to other regions of the world. With a population of about 1 billion, sub-Saharan Africa alone, is a larger democratic community than the nine countries of the European Union combined, but less than half of those of India and China.


Similarly, in terms of natural resources endowment, Africa compares very favourably with other continents of the world. In addition to its enormous forest resources, the range, quality and quantity of Africa’s mineral resources are impressive. For instance, Africa is among the largest producers of chromium, cobalt, copper, bauxite, gold, platinum, diamond, uranium and phosphate – all minerals of vital strategic and agro industrial values. To be precise and in line with Africa’s Pulse, in 2010, Guinea’s production alone represented over 8 per cent of total world bauxite production; Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo have a combined share of 6.7 per cent of the total world copper production; while Ghana and Mali together account for 5.8 per cent of the total world gold production. Paradoxically, all these resources and endowments fail to produce the type of development that the continent requires. This is as a result of the failure of its leadership, not only to use the right gears but even to kick-start its engine of progress.


Experiences have shown that past African leadership showcased high level of amateurish, mystified and personal expression of the people’s mandate: Haile Selassie of Ethiopia became the king of kings, lord of lords and the conquering lion of the tribe of Judah and elect of God; Mobutu Sese Seko became the ‘Actor and Director of his destiny.’ Jean-Bedel Bokassa of Central African Republic saw himself as semi-god, married seventeen wives, converted back and forth from Islam to Christianity. Idi Amin Dada of Uganda became the ‘Butcher of Africa,’ ‘Conqueror of the British Empire,’ ‘Lord of All the Beasts of the Earth and Fishes of the Sea.’ Teodoro Mbasogo became the god of Equatorial Guinea and enjoyed the right to “do and undo without having to give account to anyone.” Yahya Jammeh of Gambia is a self-proclaimed doctor of voodoo and administered it on patients admitted at the Royal Victoria Hospital.


In their bid to hold sway, African leaders willingly created unquantifiable crisis situations; Eyadema of Togo’s bid to transform himself to Life President turned Lome into a battlefield. Doe’s arrogance changed the face of Monrovia just as Taylor repainted with blood. Gbagbo’s untamed attachment to the Presidential Palace made him so blind that he did not know when a free and fair election was held; Tijan’s attempt to change the constitutional provisions on tenure has sown another crises seed in Niger. Gaddafi’s grip on Libya was total and Obasanjo’s tenure extension bid almost truncated Nigeria’s civil democracy. The list can go on and on.


The major issue here is how well has the continent done in the past ten years. It is pertinent to note that it has not all been tales of woe because we have made good progress in many areas especially in democratization. It would have been unimaginable ten years ago that a sitting President would be defeated in a general election and the winner is not only alive but sworn in as the new President. Dictatorships have been sacked, all thanks to the political re-awakening of our people. President Goodluck Jonathan has been very sincere, vocal and practical in his campaign for free, fair and credible elections. He insists on the gospel of one man, one vote, one woman one vote, emphasizing that no electoral victory is worth any citizen’s blood. He leads by example as shown in the July 2012 Edo State Governorship elections where he was the first to congratulate the winner who is from an opposing party. In the case of the fight against the perpetrators of terrorism in Nigeria, the Boko Haram group, the State has gained complete ascendancy over them. Our President recently made far-reaching changes in the security high command with commensurate rise in counter insurgency training and adequately equipping the personnel.


We Africans have decided to take our destiny in our hands in order to make the continent progressively better for our children and the future. There has been an increasing awareness of the need to integrate economic, social and environmental components of sustainable development; increased recognition of the fragility of the African environment; and improved access to education especially for females.


I am a very strong advocate of the view that the top priority for Africa is to consolidate and build on sustainable developmental achievements. A cursory look at a number of other priority issues shows that Africa is fast becoming an active partner in a globalizing world: these include greater regional integration, infrastructure development, nurturing of science and technology, fostering education and learning, engendering a culture of discipline, and enhanced ability for policy analysis of emerging issues. To be part of the globalised economy, Africa has to move from being primarily a producer of agricultural products and other commodities to a manufacturing, value added economy. This is where we need committed friends such as members of the Canadian Council of Africa.


The future lies in the collective effort of African leaders to provide purposeful, disciplined leadership that shuns corruption while seeking to enhance the existence of the citizenry. Leaders must utilize the resources effectively to create an environment that will accommodate industrial development. At the moment the low technological base in Africa is a major constraint to development. Africa must strive to be a learning society through promoting education and scientific research, including sustainable science. Africa must foster links with research institutes overseas and draw on the expertise of expatriate Africans.


Achieving peace and social stability is one of the top priorities for Africa. Without this basic condition, the achievement of sustainable development will not be possible. Good governance, regional cooperation and active mechanisms for conflict prevention and resolution are key requirements to counteract this longstanding challenge.


Africa the acclaimed sleeping giant is really waking up and I believe that the next ten years will bring us a long way into our glorious destiny.


Even though corruption is a favour in Africa, the fight against the evil is yielding results because if the thief does not have a safe haven to stash his loot, he will think again before doing it. The collaboration of most countries of the world on this issue will soon help wipe out or at least reduce corruption to a barest minimum. A case in point is in Nigeria where in recent years very highly placed government officials and private sector individuals have been prosecuted and jailed.


We need all the friends we can get in order to bring us into the full reawakening process. There is so much to invest in, especially energy, solid minerals, transport (particularly railways), agriculture (especially food processing & storage), education, aviation and tourism to mention but a few. I believe many of you sitting here today will have great roles to play.


Financing is paramount for achieving sustainable development goals. At the moment about 90 per cent of the financial resources used in Africa are from domestic sources. However, ambitious but achievable time-bound goals to uplift Africa will require much more than the resources available domestically. We need generous foreign financing in order to achieve credible long-term goals in Africa.


Let me conclude by congratulating the Canadian Council on Africa for this timely symposium aptly titled “Looking Forward.” It is refreshing to know that in this faraway land there are people that are earnestly ready to join hands with Africa in realizing her destiny. Our President in Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR is moving on courageously with the Transformation Agenda whose ultimate goal is to place Nigeria among the 20 leading nations in the world by the year 2020.


Finally, we would gladly partner with the Council to see our two nations move forward. We want action as the era of talking and expressing interest is gone.

Re-inventing Africa’s development strategy in the 21st Century: A personal perspectiveSenator Ben Ndi Obi







Friday, 23 November 2012 05:40

Africa's 40 Richest Tabulated by Forbes

Aliko Dangote of Nigeria tops the list for the second year running, with a net worth of $12 billion, up from $10.1 billion in November 2011. Most of his net worth lies in publicly traded Dangote Cement, which operates in 14 African countries. Nicky Oppenheimer of South Africa comes in once again as the second richest, with a $6.4 billion fortune—down $100 million from a year ago. Oppenheimer decided in late 2011 to sell his family’s 40% stake in diamond producer DeBeers to mining company Anglo American for $5.1 billion. The deal got final regulatory approval in July 2012, marking the end of 85 years of Oppenheimer family control of DeBeers.

South Africa, the continent’s economic giant, is home to 12 of Africa’s 40 richest, followed by Nigeria, with 11. Egypt comes next, with 8 list members, and Morocco with 5.  It is perhaps no surprise that the overwhelming majority of Africa’s 40 Richest come from the countries with the largest stock exchanges.


Rank Name Net Worth ($ mil)

1   Aliko Dangote                                  $12,000 Nigeria

2 Nicky Oppenheimer & family             $6,400        South Africa

3 Johann Rupert & family                      $ 5,700        South Africa

4 Nassef Sawiris                                   $5,500        Egypt

5 Mike Adenuga                                     $4,600        Nigeria

6 Christoffel Wiese                                $3,700        South Africa

7 Othman Benjelloun                             $2,750        Morocco

8 Patrice Motsepe                                 $2,650        South Africa

9 Naguib Sawiris                                    $2,500        Egypt

10 Mohamed Mansour                            $2,200        Egypt


11 Onsi Sawiris                                      $2,170

12 Miloud Chaabi                                   $2,100

13 Yasseen Mansour                              $2,000

14 Youssef Mansour                               $1,950

15 Desmond Sacco                                $1,400

16 Anas Sefrioui                                      $1,350

17 Stephen Saad                                      $975

18 Sudhir Ruparelia                                 $900

19 Jim Ovia                                               $825

20 Shafik Gabr                                          $720



21 Abdulsamad Rabiu                              $675

22  Cyril Ramaphosa                                $675

23 Lauritz (Laurie) Dippenaar                   $625

24 Folorunsho Alakija                               $600

25  Theophilus Danjuma                          $600

26  Oba Otudeko                                        $575

27  Raymond Ackerman                            $550

27 Mohammed Indimi                               $550

29 Samih Sawiris                                      $525

30 Said Salim Bakhresa                           $520


31 Isabel dos Santos                                $500

32 Moulay Hafid Elalamy                            $500

33 O.B. Lulu-Briggs                                    $500

34 Alami Lazraq                                          $490

35 Gerrit Thomas (GT) Ferreira                $480

36  Koos Bekker                                         $450

37 Sani Bello                                              $425

38 Jannie Mouton                                      $415

39 Naushad Merali                                     $410

40  Hakeem Belo-Osagie                         $400


Page 6 of 11

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