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You are here:Home>>Gideon Nyan>>Displaying items by tag: African Union
Displaying items by tag: African Union
Saturday, 12 October 2013 22:56

African Union condemns 'unfair' ICC

The International Criminal Court is treating Africa unfairly, a senior African Union official has said, at the start of a special AU meeting to discuss a possible pull-out.

Ethiopian Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said the court was targeting Africa and Africans.  The two-day summit comes as Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta is due to face trial at The Hague next month.

He denies charges of organising violence after the 2007 elections

Those leaders seeking to skirt the court are effectively looking for a license to kill, maim and oppress their own people”

On Thursday, Mr Kenyatta again asked for the charges to be dismissed. He, along with some other African leaders, argue that a serving president should not be made to face trial.

The ICC has rejected a previous request that he be allowed to give evidence by video link. His deputy, William Ruto, faces similar charges, which he also denies. His trial was postponed for a week last month to allow him to return home to help deal with the terror attack on the Westgate shopping centre.
'Like Hermann Goering' 
Mr Tedros, who is the current chairman of the AU's Executive Council, said the ICC was "condescending" towards the continent.

"Far from promoting justice and reconciliation... the court has transformed itself into a political instrument targeting Africa and Africans. This unfair and unjust treatment is totally unacceptable," he said.
He said that the ICC had failed to respond to the African Union's previous complaints and said the issue should be referred to the UN Security Council.

Kenya's foreign minister has denied initial reports that it is lobbying for the African Union to call for all member states to withdraw from the ICC.

Analysts say several East African nations favour such a move, while there is less support in West Africa.

Botswana has also publicly supported the court, while South Africa's governing African National Congress has voiced criticism.

Thirty-four of the AU's 54 members have signed up to the ICC.  If a large number of the 34 African countries were to pull out, it would be a huge blow to the ICC, which has 122 members.

Kenya's parliament has already passed a motion for the country to withdraw. Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has said that withdrawing from the court would be a "badge of shame". Nobel Peace laureate Archbishop Desmond Tutu has also voiced his support for the ICC.

"Those leaders seeking to skirt the court are effectively looking for a license to kill, maim and oppress their own people without consequence. They believe the interests of the people should not stand in the way of their ambitions of wealth and power," he wrote in an article carried by several newspapers.

"They simply vilify the institution as racist and unjust, as Hermann Goering and his fellow Nazi defendants vilified the Nuremberg tribunals following World War II," he wrote.

All eight of the cases currently open at the ICC are in Africa but it is also investigating possible cases elsewhere.

The African Union (AU) has accused the International Criminal Court (ICC) of "hunting" Africans because of their race.


It was opposed to the ICC trying Kenya's President Uhuru Kenyatta on charges of crimes against humanity, said Ethiopia's Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn.


The AU would raise its concerns with the UN, he added.


Mr Kenyatta, who was elected in March, is due to be tried in July.


He denies the charges, which arise from accusations that he fuelled violence after disputed elections in 2007.


'Chasing Kenyatta'

Analysts say the charges bolstered his campaign in this year's poll, as many voters saw the trial as interference in Kenya's domestic affairs.


The AU is mandated by the assembly [of the AU] to take care of this issue; to present to the UN the core of this matter”


Speaking at the end of an AU summit in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, Mr Hailemariam said the cases of Mr Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto should be referred to the Kenyan courts.


African leaders were concerned that out of those indicted by the ICC, "99% are Africans", Mr Hailemariam added.


"This shows something is flawed within the system of the ICC and we object to that," he said.


The ICC had been formed more than a decade ago to end the culture of impunity, but "now the process has degenerated into some kind of race hunting", Mr Hailemariam said.


It was "chasing" Mr Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto, despite the fact that the rival Kalenjin and Kikuyu ethnic groups, who had fought after the 2007 election, had come together to vote for them in the March poll, he added.


"The AU is mandated by the assembly [of the AU] to take care of this issue, to present to the UN the core of this matter," Mr Hailemariam said.


Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto were on opposite sides in the 2007 election, after which some 1,000 people were killed and 600,000 people fled their homes.


The trial of Mr Ruto, who faces similar charges as Mr Kenyatta, was due to begin this month but it has been postponed. A new date is yet to be set.


'Witness concerns'

The ICC insists that it acts impartially, and says it intends to press ahead with the case against Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto.


Kenyan lawyer Wilfred Nderitu, who represents about 150 victims of the violence, told BBC Focus on Africa he was concerned about the safety of witnesses if Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto were tried in local courts.


He also doubted whether Kenya's judiciary was capable of dealing with such complex cases, he said.


"A lot of judges don't have an international criminal justice background. Therefore, the technical expertise will be lacking," Mr Nderitu told BBC Focus on Africa.


Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir attended the summit, in defiance of an ICC warrant for his arrest.


It was unreasonable for the UN Security Council to refer Mr Bashir to the ICC when three of its five permanent members - the United States, Russia and China - had either not signed up to or not ratified the Rome Statute which established the ICC, said AU Peace and Security Council head Ramtane Lamamra, Reuters news agency reports.


"How could you refer the cases of others while you don't feel compelled to abide by the same rule?" he is quoted as saying.


The ICC has charged Mr Bashir with genocide over the conflict in Darfur.


He denies the charge, and accuses the ICC of being a tool of Western powers.


Around 300,000 people are estimated to have died in Darfur since 2003, according to the UN.


Earlier this month, Kenya's government wrote to the UN Security Council, asking for Mr Kenyatta's and Mr Ruto's trials be halted.


The prosecution was "neither impartial nor independent", said the letter, signed by Kenya's UN Ambassador Macharia Kamau.


Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto were the "glue" that held the country together during the March poll, the letter added.


The UN Security Council is able to defer ICC cases for up to 12 months.


The deferral can be renewed indefinitely, but the Security Council cannot order the court to drop a case.

Welcome Remarks By HE Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission to the Opening Session of the 26th Ordinary Session of the Permanent Representatives Committee (prc) Addis Ababa, 19 May 2013


Welcome Remarks by HE Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Chairperson of the African Union Commission


To the Opening session of the 26th Ordinary Session of the Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC)


Addis Ababa, 19 May 2013


Your Excellency, the Ambassador of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and Chairperson of the PRC,


Your Excellency the Deputy Chairperson of the Commission and Commissioners,


Chairpersons of AU Organs,


Distinguished Ambassadors, Members of the PRC,


Excellencies and Officials from the Capitals


Ladies and Gentlemen,


Let me start by congratulating Ambassador Konjit Sene Giorgis, the Chairperson of the PRC, on her fifty years of service to Ethiopian diplomacy and her unwavering service to the cause of Pan Africanism.


Excellencies, when we met at the January Summit earlier this year, we agreed that 2013 shall be an exciting, but hardworking year for us all. Indeed, the 50th anniversary of the OAU and AU represents yet another moment of destiny for our continent.


There is general acceptance about the rise of Africa for the last decade in terms of economic growth, public investment in infrastructure development, regional integration efforts, as well as improvements in democracy, governance, peace and stability and some human development indicators.


There is also an emerging consensus that Africa's endowments and future trends present huge opportunities: its human resources and demographic trends, especially its youthful population and its women; its rates of urbanization; the arable land and other natural resources at its disposal; the potential for energy generation, both fossil and renewables; its mineral deposits and its long coastlines, to name but a few.


And yet, we must all agree that this potential was also present when the founders formed the OAU in 1963. As newly independent state they had to construct independent states and develop a vision and plans for continental integration on the foundations of the fragmentation, destruction and structural underdevelopment caused by centuries of colonialism.


Though representing thirty two independent states, they still confronted the scourge of colonialism with nearly half of Africa still under its shackles.


The founding generations therefore had to continue the fight, in the spirit of Pan Africanism, for self-determination during most of the existence of the OAU, whilst simultaneously embarking on the tasks of nation and state formation, fighting poverty, ignorance and disease in their countries, and taking forward the vision of African unity, development and integration.


Following Namibian independence and the end of apartheid in 1994, the transformation of the OAU into the African Union signaled a new era for our continent. This is the era that heralded in the current positive trends we see in Africa today.


Your Excellencies,


After a decade of the African Union, and as we celebrate 50 years since the founding of the OAU, it is an opportune moment for reflection on the grand narratives that have been part of the Pan African project for at least the last fifty years and before.


These narratives include our long-term vision of African unity; the paths towards shared prosperity and human security for all African citizens, regions and countries; speeding up the integration agenda; achieving gender equality; tackling the root causes of conflict; celebrating unity in diversity and building inclusive political and human rights cultures.


Excellencies, as we debate the Summit Proclamation, and as we reflect and plan during the Yearlong 50th Anniversary celebrations, we must answer some of these questions:


- What will it take for Africa to be integrated, people-centred, prosperous and at peace with itself over the next five decades?


- Are the milestones we set in various continental frameworks and initiatives, especially around human development, infrastructure, agriculture, women's empowerment, health and industrialization, and above all on political unity and integration sufficiently bold to achieve our vision?


- What type of paradigms and actions in terms of leadership, people's participation, resource mobilisation and our implementation, monitoring and evaluation strategies are required to ensure impact and rapid implementation?


- And finally, are our institutional architectures aligned towards the achievement of rapid integration, development and industrialization, how do we improve their impact, efficiency and effectiveness?


There is no question that we have grappled with all these issues since the founders gathered in Addis Ababa in 1963 and before, although in different times and context.


We recall the words of the High Level Panel on the Audit of the African Union when they said that 'only through introspection can appropriate lessons of history be learnt and Africans, as a people, confidently forge ahead towards the desired future.'


Excellencies, PRC Members, Representatives from Capitals


The first five months of this year have indeed been a period of hard work, yet also exciting because we are beginning to see movement in a number of areas which the Summits entrusted to us, and on which we shall account.


Firstly, Summit instructed the PRC and the Commission to finalise the approach to and preparations for the 50th Anniversary.


We have not only adopted the Anniversary Project document and Budget, but your good selves have been engaged in monitoring and providing direction to the preparations for the Anniversary. The first phase of the Anniversary is upon us, and we will soon witness whether we have turned our plans into reality.


Secondly, we were required to finalise the Third Strategic Plan of the African Union Commission (2014-2017). This has been a challenging endeavor, because we needed to agree not only the priorities for the next five years and beyond, but also to effect the paradigm shift in our planning so as to focus on impacts and outcomes rather just on activities.


Thus when we said in the Strategic plan that our people are our most important resource, we had to articulate the strategies to achieve this, as well as set the indicators to measure impact.


The discussions on these matters, and on the AUC 2014 Budget, in PRC and in the Extra-Ordinary Executive Council, are testimony to our seriousness to ensure that our premium continental organisation, the African Union, indeed is serious about accelerating the agenda of creating an integrated, people-centred, prosperous and peaceful Africa.


Your Excellencies,


The third task on which we can report progress is on the review of strategic partnerships. Although we have not started the formal review yet, the broad outline of a different approach has begun to emerge in our practical engagements on partnerships over the last five months.


We not only held the Africa South America Summit, the TICAD Ministerial meeting, the AU and EU college to college meeting and engaged with the BRICS on our continental priorities, we have also started preparations for a number of important initiatives with partners this year, including the TICAD Summit, the Africa-Arab Summit, India Africa Ministerial meeting, as well as preparations for the Africa-Europe Summit next year.


During this period, we also visited China to discuss how to strengthen relations, based on our vision. We have made a follow-up meeting to the Brics Summit by visiting the Russian Federation. At the World Economic Forum we were able to put our priorities, to mention a few.


A key lesson from these engagements is that when the African Union is clear about its priorities and its common positions, we are more likely to have effective partnerships and move forward our continental agendas, whether it is on the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) or on our infrastructure priorities. We must therefore use these lessons to inform the partnerships review that we must formalise after this Summit.


Fourthly, Excellencies, we undertook as the Commission, as part of building a People's Union to ensure that we communicate more effectively.


The AUC has begun to develop and executive a communication and outreach strategy, developed with government communicators and journalists from across the continent. Early signals are that the Union is more visible and that important shifts are occurring in perceptions of the continent.


Of course, the 50th anniversary of our Union in and by itself, and the consultative approach towards the development of the Agenda 2063 framework, provide us with good opportunities for raising the AU and continental profile.


We must however caution that we still have to do objective research on the impact of our strategy, and that important elements of our communications strategy have still to be rolled out, especially with regards to radio and social media, in order to reach all regions and sectors of the African citizenry.


Your Excellencies,


A fifth area of reflection is our ongoing work on peace, security, and on governance and democracy. Since January, the Commission has send observer missions to a number of Member states, including the recent elections in Kenya.


We continue to learn lessons from these experiences, and they help to inform our paradigm of building inclusive political cultures and national and regional development.


We must repeat the message that there can be no peace without development, and no development without peace. Through implementation of the peace and security, and the good governance architecture, Africa continues to register increasing levels of peace and security. We must highlight that whereas in the 1990's there were about fifteen countries engulfed in conflicts, this number reduced to five between 2000 and 2010.


Conflict resolution efforts have yielded encouraging results in many parts of the continent, as shown by the tremendous progress recorded in Somalia, the agreements reached between Sudan and South Sudan in their post secession relations and the ongoing initiatives to promote good neighborliness and cooperation for a shared prosperity in the Great Lakes region.


However, as the remaining conflicts and recent crises in Mali and Central African Republic and the ongoing situation in Western Sahara suggest, there is no room for complacency, and we must resolutely tackle the root causes of conflicts and instability, so as to ensure lasting peace.




There are other areas that we need to pay greater attention to or that we postponed till after the May Summit. These include the strengthening of the AU Commission and organs, including the relationship between Commission and the PRC and implementing the decisions of the AUC and RECs retreat held in April this year.


We will therefore act in the coming months with speed on decisions such as the follow-up on the High Level Panel Audit of the AU review; the issue of the proliferation of AU institutions and agencies; the review on the mandate of the Pan African Parliament and strengthening our capacity to implement decisions of our policy organs, to name but a few.


Your Excellencies,


In conclusion, our debates on the theme over the last few months have brought us closer to a common narrative on the lessons and achievements of the last five decades, including the strengths and weaknesses of our Union. The yearlong anniversary activities, and our engagements with all sectors of society on the theme will continue to build on this African narrative.


However, more importantly during this year, besides the celebratory aspects of our 50th Anniversary, we have before us the task to map out a vision and milestones for the next fifty years. The Proclamation of the Anniversary Summit must provide the framework and set the tone. It must be bold and inclusive; and not shy away from confronting the issues that make it difficult for us to achieve integration, peace and prosperity.


Your Excellencies, let us recall the words of our founders, that Africa must unite or perish. When they formed the OAU on 25 May 1963, they chose to unite behind the mission to rid Africa of colonialism and apartheid.


On 25 May 2013, we must unite behind the mission to rid Africa of poverty, disease, hunger and prosperity.


We must unite, or perish.

Tuesday, 09 October 2012 13:03

African aid: no more 'pity shit'


Western 'caring' for Africans is just as objectifying as old-fashioned racism


Last Saturday I spoke at the Harvard Women in Business Conference, an annual event that I love. I wore a bright blue dress in a sea of sober black suits and talked to them about the importance of being authentic in order to be happy. These young women, many of them ready to sentence themselves to a life of corporate status climbing, cried when I told them that only through being authentic could they be happy. It was one of the most poignant talks of my career.


Later, during a discussion on Going Global, a young woman asked, "For the Americans on the panel, how do you deal with being a person of privilege while working in global development?" My eyes lit up with fury as she directed her question specifically at the white Americans on the panel. I let them answer, then smiled and added with a wink: "I am an American, you know, and also a person of privilege." She instantly understood what I meant.


Her question assumed that those of us in developing nations are to be pitied. I know as a Senegalese that her attitude is precisely what disgusts us about many who work at NGOs. Every year we see thousands of "privileged" young Americans and Europeans eager to come "help the underprivileged". Don't they understand how contemptuous that is?

The actor Djimon Hounsou performed a powerful rendition of Binyavanga Wainaina's piece How Not to Write About Africa. In the most compelling passage he describes how African wildlife is portrayed with dignity. We have all seen the majesty of giraffes, lions, zebras and elephants parading across the screen. But African people are either portrayed as corrupt, evil or pathetic. The blog Aid Thoughts created the category "poverty porn" after reading my article on Jeffrey Sachs's Millennium Village project. For many of those who "care" about Africans, we are objects through which they express their own "caring". This "caring" is just as objectifying as old-fashioned racism.


At the conference I replied to the young woman, "If you see us as human beings, there is nothing to deal with. We like to eat good food, we love to talk and laugh with our family and friends. We wonder about the world, and why so often bad is rewarded rather than good." To give this particular young woman credit, she thanked me at the end and really internalised my perspective. She felt relieved by my message.


But why is it so difficult for people to see others as people? Why are so many NGOs filled with young people who are incapable of relating to us as human beings?


I prefer the humanity of a tough business person in a negotiation in which he or she is trying to make a deal. While there are jerks out there, I want to be engaged in relationships with people who believe that I'm worth struggling with, not just pitying. If you approach me with a worldview in which you are privileged and I need your help, there is no possibility of an authentic relationship. You may as well see yourself as the master and me as the slave.


I know that there are countless people in the NGO world that have done a great deal of good. But I would like to propose that NGOs either refuse to hire, or simply fire, anyone who has a condescending attitude towards the poor. We need to certify a new class of NGO: "No pity shit" NGOs. Moreover, the problem goes well beyond these organisations. Many from the developed world – in government, multilateral agencies, business, and academia – have a similar attitude. I don't understand why it is so hard for some humans to see other humans as also human. Your perception of "privilege" is your problem. Get over it.


Magatte Wade was born in Senegal, educated in France, and is now based in New York. She is currently building her second company, Tiossan, which sells skin care products based on ancient Senegalese recipes



What is the significant of this summit?  Dec. 5, 2007

African Union leaders are gearing up for the forth coming summit with their European counterparts (European Union) in Lisbon Portugal on 8-9 Dec.2007. This is not the first time summit has been held between Europeans and Africans. Now and then summits were held for Africa even in their absence. Berlin conference of 1884 was a prime example of a summit on Africa in which Africans were not invited, its ramification has not been totally addressed. This December summit is billed as a mutual advantage conference, where leaders with mutual interests will sit down and exchange ideas and views on advancing the interests of both parties. Well, this is good thing for all the parties involved.

Africa EU Summit

Cost of time and money What is the significant of this summit? How will it make Africa better? What does it mean to an average African? These are important questions that African leaders must ask, before the commencement of this meeting. When answers are affirmative, they can strategies and formulate the requisite methodology to accomplish their targeted goals. Scare resources and time must expended for this summit, African leaders have to pay their ways to Lisbon for the meeting. European Unions are calling the meeting, they should underwrite the travel expenses of the African leaders because they have more resources and the meeting is more important to them. After all, the African soil contain all the resources including oil, forestry, precious metals and minerals they are scrambling for their industries. EU must remember that America, China, India and many others are jockeying for a piece of action in Africa - to power their burgeoning cities and manufacturing sectors.

African leaders could utilize this summit to convey to an average African, they are serious about Africa. Yes, the average African, is one person everybody talks about but nobody really wants to help. The average African lives in the remote part of the continent, surviving with less than $2 a day. He and his family are without social amenities - no good drinking water, poor health facilities and without electric power supply. Most of all, no jobs and no opportunities to improve his livelihood.

Beyond diplomatic niceties

Arican leaders have to be straight forward with their European counterparts, if possible shun the diplomatic shenanigans and tell them precisely what they want without beating around the bush. Being undiplomatic might be what can help the average African when their leaders speak up boldly on their behalf.

More broken promises

This summit cannot offer basket of pledges to Africans in the pretense that they are aiding them.
Africans are tired of promises that never come to fruition. The former Prime minister of Britain lunched African Commission and the commission came up with a 469 page Report on how to solve Africa unending problems. One thing is for sure, the average African have not witnessed any change in his life or environment since then. The statics of human suffering index in the continent has not changed.
* Six thousand deaths of AIDS daily
* 300 millions lacking safe drinking water
* 3000 deaths daily from malaria for children under 5 years
Then comes the NEPAD - New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) which was supposed to be the VISION and STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK FOR AFRICA’s RENEWAL .
Europeans endorsed NEPAD and on paper it looks promising but in reality, no significant result has been noticed in the lives of the average African.

Agenda for the meeting

The summit must tackle problems that are pressing to Africans including: African Migrants in Europe. The migrant labor must be treated in decent and respectful manner. African Union leaders and their European Union counterparts must come together and strongly dialogue on this perilous issue. The brain drain in Africa due to exodus of the educated class and the immigration issues must be broaden to connote the Human Rights and Economic Rights of the illegal and the undocumented migrants in Europe. Spain and Europe are right to protect their borders, but at same token, the illegal migrants have rights too and must be treated in a civilized manner with decency and decorum. There must be a balance and respect on both sides.

Removing agricultural subsidies

For African farmers to have fair chance of competing in the global market, EU must remove the subsidies given to their farmers. If not, they should devise the means to compensate African farmers directly. The short term trade deals must be out rightly rejected and shunned by African leaders. The so-called ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENTS (EPAs) must be replaced with long term and comprehensive trade negotiations. A negotiation devoid of coercion and intimidation must be the bedrock of the summit.

Total cancellation of African debts

African governments have to be relieve of all the foreign debts. The endless payments have to cease, so is to the perpetual bondage associated with the debts. The borrowed principal of the loans have already been paid by African states, yet the interest continues to accrue at a whopping rate. The repatriation of ill-gotten wealth and the corrupt-tainted funds in European banks and the stolen artifacts that belong to Africa must be returned.In practical terms, African leaders have to negotiate from strength. Their strengths will emanate from good governance, respect for human rights, transparency and probity in their financial dealings and undertakings. These leaders must demonstrate to their fellow Africans and EU counterparts that they are ready to stand up for Africa in Lisbon or anywhere for that matter.


Published in Archive

The disaster that beset Haiti is colossal and the human suffering with destruction brought by earthquake is up to biblical proportion. The whole world is coming together to help Haiti, the poorest country in Northern Hemisphere, to safe lives and ameliorate human sufferings. Africa is not missing in the picture; many African countries including Nigeria, South Africa, Rwanda and others are offering assistance to Haiti but they should synchronize their effort.

Nigerians are already part of the UN police mission in Haiti that are assiduously working to rescue people who are missing and trapped in the fallen building structures. The Nigerian Vice President Jonathan Ebele Goodluck has promised to follow up with more assistance. Rwanda and Liberia governments have contributed US $100, 000 and $50,000 respectively. Senegalese government has promised to offer land to Haitians, those that are willing to come to Senegal. And "South Africa - The government has announced a three-phase assistance package: deployment of doctors to a search and rescue team led by Rescue South Africa, a non-profit company; deployment of forensic pathologists to help identify bodies; provision of unspecified humanitarian aid in partnership with South African NGOs".

All these contributions by African countries are the right steps in affirmative direction but the planning lacks vitality and coherence. In this case Africa needs coordination that will enable her to make a reasonable impact; this is not to negate the singular effort made by each country. But when they come together under the auspices of African Union the impact will be greatly felt and they will speak with one voice. The whole world will understand that Africa can work together for the rescue and revitalization that citizens of the world are doing in Haiti. African governments must not make this solely a government intervention operation but must devise a method to include their citizens especially the wealthy people in the country to contribute to a Haiti fund and NGOs that are dedicated to charity works.

Afripol Organization has applauded Liberia and Rwanda for the cash donations they made to Haiti. For inspite of the economic downturn and problems these countries were experiencing still they made these donations. Rwanda with her past history of genocide and destruction understood quite well the suffering and Liberia with her legacy of civil war knew what it means to lose life and property on a staggering scale.

Obama's American has taken the lead and has done a good job and the American people have followed with donations. Africans can learn from this; not by giving large resources which they do not have but having a concerted planning and coordination. Nigeria and South Africa the two largest economies in Africa must shoulder bigger responsibilities, simultaneously showing sense of leadership by working together to streamline African response.

Mr. Emeka Chiakwelu is the Principal policy strategist at Afripol Organization. Africa Political and Economic Strategic Center (Afripol) is foremost a public policy center whose fundamental objective is to broaden the parameters of public policy debates in Africa. To advocate, promote and encourage free enterprise, democracy, sustainable green environment, human rights, conflict resolutions, transparency and probity in Africa.

Published in Emeka Chiakwelu